The Government will be upon His shoulders — Isaiah 9:6
Protocols
Forgery or a Rothschild job like the Communist Manifesto?
WORLD CONQUEST
THROUGH WORLD GOVERNMENT
The PROTOCOLS
of The LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION
Translated from the Russian of Sergyei A. Nilus
by VICTOR E. MARSDEN
The Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion has become a
best seller among political books published this century.
Having been translated into every language since it was
first brought to light in 1919 and having reached over a million
sales in the English edition alone, this remarkable set of docu-
ments is in greater demand than ever today.
The years have shown that every great world event has fol-
lowed the course laid down by the secret authors of this book.
Wars, slumps, revolutions, the rise in the cost of living and
chronic unrest are all foretold as leading to the ultimate goal
of World Conquest through the "back-door" means of first estab-
lishing World Government "by consent."
The thoughtful reader must reject the view, once held by
some people, that the Protocols originated as an imaginative work
of miraculous accuracy. The only rational view seems to be that
the Protocols must be taken on their face value as a detailed
plan of action, aiming at nothing other than the goal they them-
selves set forth. This goal is a World State which the nations
are being urged by their leaders to accept as "the only alterna-
tive to annihilation." This is the choice which our politicians
are offering us today.
The eighty-first impression of the Marsden translation was
presented under the new title World Conquest through World Gov-
ernment because the publishers believed that the ultimate con-
quest foretold in this terrible plan is nearing its final stages.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
FAMOUS VIEWS ON THE PROTOCOLS
Introduction
Protocol I The Basic Doctrine
Protocol II Economic Wars
Protocol III Methods of Conquest
Protocol IV Materialism Replace Religion
Protocol V Despotism and Modern Progress
Protocol VI Take-Over Technique
Protocol VII World-Wide Wars
Protocol VIII Provisional Government
Protocol IX Re-education
Protocol X Preparing for Power
Protocol XI The Totalitarian State
Protocol XII Control of the Press
Protocol XIII Distractions
Protocol XIV Assault on Religion
Protocol XV Ruthless Suppression
Protocol XVI Brainwashing
Protocol XVII Abuse of Authority
Protocol XVIII Arrest of Opponents
Protocol XIX Rulers and People
Protocol XX Financial Programme
Protocol XXI Loans and Credit
Protocol XXII Power of Gold
Protocol XXIII Instilling Obedience
Protocol XXIV Qualities of the Ruler
Epilogue
Appendix
FAMOUS VIEWS ON THE PROTOCOLS
Uncanny Note Of Prophecy
"Whence come this uncanny note of prophecy, prophecy in part
fulfilled, in parts far gone in the way of fulfillment? Have we
been struggling these tragic years to ... extirpate the secret
organization of German world dominion only to find underneath it,
another, more dangerous because more secret? Have we ... escaped
a Pax Germanica only to fall into a Pax Judaeica?
The Times, London, May 8th, 1920
Are They A Forgery?
"A document forged to defame a people."
The American Hebrew
"A clumsy forgery."
Lucien Wolf in The Spectator, London, June 12th, 1920
"Upon that much-vexed subject the authenticity of ... The
Protocols of Zion we shall not enter, except to say that if the
document is a forgery, as alleged, then it is one of the most
remarkable in the history of literature."
The Spectator, London, October 16th, 1920
"Those who feel libeled by the Protocols have the most
obvious remedy in the world; all they have to do is to ruse and
denounce the policy of them, instead of denying the
authorship ... But when you come to read them how can any reason-
able man deny the truth of what is contained in them??
Norman Jaques, M.P.,
in Canadian House of Commons, July 9th, 1943
"On the one hand, the authenticity of this document cannot
be proved; on the other hand, the efforts made by some writers,
principally Jewish, to show it to be a forgery do not carry
conviction to many serious minds."
The Rev. Denny Fahey, C.S.Sp., B.A., D.D., 1939
Too Terribly Real For Fiction
"Whosoever was the mind that conceived them possessed a
knowledge of human nature, of history, and of statecraft which is
dazzling in its brilliant completeness, and terrible in the
objects to which it turns its power. It is too terribly real for
fiction, too well sustained for speculation, to deep in its
knowledge of the secret springs of life for forgery."
The Dearborn Independent, July 10th, 1920.
Confirmation From A Jew
"The United Nations is Zionism. It is the super government
mentioned many times in the Protocols of the Learned Elders of
Zion, promulgated between 1897 and 1905."
Henry Klein, New York, Jewish Lawyer,
in Zionism Rules the World, 1948.
They Fit It Now
"The only statement I care to make about the Protocols is
that they fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen years
old and they have fitted the world situation up to this time.
They fit it now.
Henry Ford in the New York World, February 17th, 1921
"In the desires of a terrible and formidable sect, you have only
reached the first stages of the plans it has formed for that general Revo-
lution which is to overthrow all thrones, all altars, annihilate all
property, efface all law, and end by dissolving all society."
The Abbe Barruel (1797) writing on the Anti-Christian Conspiracy.
**
"Unless Bolshevism is nipped in the bud immediately it is bound to
spread in one form or another all over Europe and the whole world, as it is
organized and worked by Jews who have no nationality and whose object is to
destroy for their own ends the existing order of things."
British Government White Paper, Russia No. 1 (1919)
***
"There is now definite evidence that Bolshevism is an international
movement controlled by Jews; communications are passing between the leaders
in America, France, Russia and England, with a view to concerted action."
Directorate of Intelligence, Home Office, Scotland Yard, London,
in a Monthly Report to Foreign Embassies, 16th July, 1919.
***
"This movement among the Jews is not new. From the days of Spartacus-
Weishaupt to those of Karl Marx, and down to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun
(Hungary), Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States),
this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilization and for the
reconstitution [reconstruction] of society on the basis of arrested devel-
opment, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily
growing."
Winston Churchill in Illustrated Sunday Herald, 8th February, 1920.
***
INTRODUCTION
The Protocols of the Learned Elders of ZION may be briefly
described as a blueprint for the domination of the world by a
secret brotherhood. Whatever may be the truth about their au-
thorship - and, as will be shown, this has been the subject of
bitter dispute - there can be no doubt that the world society to
which they look forward is nothing more or less that a world
police state.
The book is which the Protocols were first embodied was
published by Professor Sergyei A. Nilus in Russia in 1905, a
copy being received in the British Museum on August 10th,
1906, Professor Nilus's concern was to expose that he be-
lieved to be a ruthless, cold-blooded conspiracy for the
destruction of Christian CIVILIZATION. Early, in August and
September of 1903, the Russian newspaper SNAMIA had pub-
lished the Protocols, and they are also believed to have
been published in the winter of 1902/1903 in the newspaper
MOSKOWSKIJA WIEDOMOSTI. They remained unknown outside
Russia, however, until after the Bolshevik Revolution, when
Russian emigrants brought Nilus's book to North America and
Germany.
The similarity between what was forecast in the Protocols
and the fate which had befallen Russia under the Bolsheviks was
so marked that, after these long years of neglect, they rapidly
became one of the most famous (or notorious) documents in the
world.
In Bolshevik Russia, the penalty for their mere possession
was death. It remains so to this day, both in the Soviet Union
and in the Satellite countries. Outside the Iron Curtain, in
South Africa possession of the Protocols is also forbidden by
law, although the penalty is less drastic.
As a result of their rapidly growing fame, numerous attempts
were made to discredit the Protocols as a forgery. But it was
not until 1933 that the JEWS resorted to legal action. On 26th
June, 1933, the FEDERATION of JEWISH COMMUNITY brought an action
against five members of the Swiss National Front, seeking a
judgment that the Protocols were a forgery and a prohibition of
their publication. The procedure of the Court was astounding,
the provisions of the Swiss Civil Code being deliberately set
aside. Sixteen witnesses called by the plaintiffs were heard,
but only one of the forty witnesses called by the defendants was
allowed a hearing. The judge allowed the plaintiffs to appoint
two private stenographers to keep the register of proceedings
during the hearing of their witnesses, instead of entrusting the
task to a Court official.
In view of these and similar irregularities, it was not
surprising that, after the case had lasted just on two years, the
Court pronounced the Protocols to be a forgery and demoralizing
literature. The decision was given on 14th May, 1935, but it was
announced in the JEWISH PRESS before it was delivered by the
Court!
On 1st November, 1937, the Swiss Court of Criminal Appeal
quashed this judgment in its entirety. JEWISH PROPAGANDISTS,
however, still declare that the Protocols have been "proved" to
be a forgery.
It is natural that the JEWS should try to discredit the
Protocols, for their growing fame was focusing more public atten-
tion on other revealing utterances.
In Disraeli's THE LIFE OF LORD GEORGE BENTINCK, written in
1852, there occurs this quotation: -
"The influence of the JEWS may be traced in the last
outbreak of the destructive principle in Europe. An insurrection
takes place against tradition and aristocracy, against religion
and property. Destruction of the Semitic principles, extirpation
of the JEWISH RELIGION, whether in the Mosaic or the CHRISTIAN
form the natural equality of men and the abrogation of property
are proclaimed by the Secret Societies which form Provisional
Governments and men of the JEWISH RACE are found at the head of
every one of them. The people of God cooperate with atheists;
the most skillful accumulators of property ally themselves with
Communists; the peculiar and chosen Race touch the hand of all
the scum and low castes of Europe; and all this because they wish
to destroy that ungrateful Christendom which owes to them its
name, and whose tyranny they can no longer endure."
Max Norday, a JEW, speaking at the ZIONIST CONGRESS at Basel
in August 1903, made this astonishing "prophecy":
"Let me tell you the following words as if I were
shoeing you the rungs of a ladder leading upward and upward:
Herzl, the ZIONIST CONGRESS, the English Uganda proposition,
the future world war, the peace conference, where with the
help of England a free and JEWISH PALESTINE will be creat-
ed."
Walter Rathenau, the JEWISH BANKER behind the Kaiser, writ-
ing in the German WIENER FREIE PRESSE, December 24, 1912, said:
"Three hundred men, each of who knows all the others,
govern the fate of the European continent, and they elect
their successor from their entourage."
Confirmation of Rathenau's statement came twenty years later
in 1931 when Jean Izoulet, a prominent member of the JEWISH
ALLIANCE ISRAELITE UNIVERSELLE, wrote in his PARIS LA CAPITALAE
DES RELIGIONS:
"The meaning of the history of the last century is that
today 300 JEWISH FINANCIER, all Masters of Lodges, rule the
world."
The LONDON JEWISH CHRONICLE, on April 4th, 1919, declared:
"There is much in the fact of Bolshevism itself, in the
fact that so many JEWS are BOLSHEVISTS, in the fact that the
ideals of Bolshevism at many points are consonant with the
finest ideals of Judaism."
and on March 15th, 1923, the JEWISH WORLD asserted:
"Fundamentally JUDAISM is ANTI-CHRISTIAN."
These and many similar assertions from JEWISH sources were
damaging enough from the JEWISH point of view. Taken in con-
junction with the Protocols, with which more and more people were
becoming familiar, they were damning.
The attitude of many people whose concern over the growing
attack on CHRISTIAN CIVILIZATION was rapidly increasing was
summed up by the late Henry Ford senior, the founder of the
world-famous motor manufacturing company. In an interview pub-
lished in the New York World on February 17th, 1921, Mr. Ford
declared:
"The only statement I care to make about the Protocols
is that they fit in with what is going on. They are sixteen
years old, and have fitted the world situation up to this
time. THEY FIT IT NOW."
Those who, like Henry Ford, could see that "they fit it now"
only sixteen years after Nilus's first publication of the Proto-
cols, naturally tended to concentrate their attention on the
relatively recent phenomenon of Bolshevism. Few of them the
understood the equally dangerous, if more insidious, danger of
internationalism.
Now, however, more than half a century after Nilus's publi-
cation of the Protocols, the reality of that danger must be
crystal clear to anybody who views the world situation objectively.
The Protocols are full of references to a "Super-
Government," PROTOCOL VI, for example, states:
"In every possible way we must develop the significance
of our Super-Government by representing it as the Protector
and Benefactor of all those who voluntarily submit to us."
That is exactly the way in which the United Nations special
agencies - UNESCO (U.N. Educational, Scientific and Cultural
Organization); ILO (International Labour Organization); WHO
(World Health Organization); FAO (Food and Agriculture Organiza-
tion); Commission of Human Rights; Genocide Convention, etc. -
are represented.
For some years there has been in existence an international
organization calling itself the World Association of Parliamen-
tarians for World Government, which pursues the same objective as
that of another long-established international organization,
Federal Union. This body does not disuse the fact that the
United Nations, by means of a few relatively minor changes in its
Charter, could be transformed virtually over night into a World
Government.
There has long been agitation for the creation of a World
Police Force. This would enable the United Nations Super-Govern-
ment to function as a master of an all-powerful World Police
State, and the closing years of the 1950's have seen the agita-
tors for a World Police Force come close to achieving their
objective. The U.N. Emergency Force, established after the Suez
crisis of 1956, has been openly regarded as a "pilot scheme."
Should the few changes in the Charter necessary to transform
the U.N. into a Super-Government be made, it will have in the
special agencies ready made Ministries of Education (or Propagan-
da), Labor, Health, Food and Agriculture, "Justice", etc.
Can it be an accident that these things are so accurately
for-shadowed in the Protocols?
The full-scale World Super-Government is not the only, nor
perhaps the most immediate, danger. It is obvious to everyone
that the nations of the East are being herded into subjection
under the dominance of the Soviet Union. But what of the nations
of the West? Are they really the "free nations" which they are
popularly supposed to be?
Far from it! They are being herded into that same sort of
pen as are the nations of the East under Communism. Late in
1957, the process had gone for enough to be given an official
name. That name was the policy of inter-dependence."
The nations of the West are being brought under internation-
al control at political, military and economic levels. They are
rapidly in process of becoming controlled also on the social
level. All alike are being told that their only hope lies in the
surrender of national sovereignty.
National Parliaments must give way to such bodies as the
Council of Europe or the Atlantic Council. National Forces must
be submerged in such bodies as the North Atlantic Treaty Organi-
zation (NATO), the Baghdad Pact or the South-East Treaty Organi-
zation (SEATO), so that no nation has control over its own means
of defense. National economies must be submerged in such bodies
as the Organization for European Economic Cooperation (OEEC), the
European Payments Union (EPU) or the World Bank, so that no
nation may control its own economic destiny.
Even on the social level, individual national distinctions
must disappear. For example, under the "Common Market" Treaty
which unites six European nations on the economic plane, provi-
sion is made for the "equalization of social policies." And
strenuous efforts have been made to herd other European nations,
Great Britain among them, into this same pen in the associated
European Free Trade Area.
In 1934, when the leader of the British Labor Party (Mr.
Clement Attlee) told the party's annual conference:
"We are deliberately putting loyalty to a world order
above loyalty to our own country," he was widely execrated.
Twenty-three years of propaganda, however, leave their mark,
and when, in 1957, a Conservative Prime Minister of Britain told
the British people that they must surrender some of their nation-
al sovereignty to an unknown international cabal, scarcely a
voice was raise in protest. At the close of 1957 there was an
official declaration of the British Government's support for the
plan which was foreshadowed in the Protocols over sixty years
ago. The Earl of Gosford, Joint Under-Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs, said in the House of Lords on 7th November,
1957:
"Her Majesty's Government are fully in agreement with
World Government. We agree that this must be the goal, and
that every step that is humanly possible must be taken to
reach that goal."
All over the world "federation", "integration", "regionali-
zation" and "inter-dependence" are the order of the day. All
this is foreshadowed in the Protocols, published more than
half-a-century ago by Sergyei Nilus, which, we are told are
forgery.
Can this be coincidence? Could any forger be so prescient?
Or are the Protocols what Nilus and many others believed
them to be - the blueprint for a conspiracy to destroy CHRISTIAN
CIVILIZATION and place the whole world under the domination of a
small, secret cabal?
NOTES
I - "AGENTURE" and "THE POLITICAL"
There are two words in this translation which are unusual,
the words "Agentur" and "political" used as substantives.
"Agentur" appears to be adopted from the original test and it
means the whole body of agents and agencies directed by the
Elders, whether members of the tribe or their GENTILE tools.
By "the Political" is meant not exactly the "body politic"
but the entire machinery of politics.
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32 thoughts on “Protocols”
PROTOCOL NO. 9
Application of masonic principles in the matter of
reeducating the peoples. Masonic watchword. Meaning of Anti-
Semitism. Dictatorship of masonry. Terror. Who are the
servants of masonry. Meaning of the “clear-sighted” and the
“blind” forces of the goyim States. Communion between
authority and mob. Licence of liberalism. Seizure of
education and training. False theories. Interpretation of
laws. The “undergrounds” (metropolitains).
In applying our principles let attention be paid to the
character of the people in whose country you live and act; a
general, identical application of them, until such time as the
people shall have been re-educated to our pattern, cannot have
success. But by approaching their application cautiously you will
see that not a decade will pass before the most stubborn
character will change and we shall add a new people to the ranks
of those already subdued by us.
The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of
our masonic watchword, namely, “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,”
will, when we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into words
no longer of a watchword, but only an expression of idealism,
namely, into: “The right of liberty, the duty of equality, the
ideal of brotherhood.” That is how we shall put it, — and so we
shall catch the bull by the horns. …. De facto we have already
wiped out every kind of rule except our own, although de jure
there still remain a good many of them. Nowadays, if any States
raise a protest against us it is only pro forma at our discretion
and by our direction, for their anti-Semitism is indispensable to
us for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not enter
into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject
of repeated discussions amongst us.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our
activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra legal conditions
which are described in the accepted terminology by the energetic
and forcible word — Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell you
with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the
lawgivers, shall execute judgement and sentence, we shall slay
and we shall spare, we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on
the steed of the leader. We rule by force of will, because in our
hands are the fragments of a once powerful party, now vanquished
by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless ambitions,
burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We
have in our service persons of all opinions, of all doctrines,
restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists, and
utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the
task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the
last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all
established form of order. By these acts all States are in
torture; they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice
everything for peace: but we will not give them peace until they
openly acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with
submissiveness.
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of
settling the question of Socialism by way of an international
agreement. Division into fractional parties has given them into
our hands, for, in order to carry on a contested struggle one
must have money, and the money is all in our hands.
We might have reason to apprehend a union between the
“clear-sighted” force of the goy kings on their thrones and the
“blind” force of the goy mobs, but we have taken all the needful
measure against any such possibility: between the one and the
other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a mutual
terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people
remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with
a leader and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to
our goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself
from our guiding hand, we must every now and then enter into
close communion with it, if not actually in person, at any rate
through some of the most trusty of our brethren. When we are
acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss with the
people personally on the market places, and we shall instruct
them on questions of the political in such wise as may turn them
in the direction that suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in the village
schools? But what an envoy of the government or a king on his
throne himself may say cannot but become immediately known to the
whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice of the
people.
In order not to annihilate the institutions of the goyim
before it is time we have touched them with craft and delicacy,
and have taken hold of the ends of the springs which move their
mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of order;
we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. We
have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the
conduct of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person,
but principally into education and training as being the
cornerstones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the goyim
by rearing them in principles and theories which are known to us
to be false although it is by us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them,
and by merely twisting them into contradictions of
interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way
of results. These results found expression first in the fact that
the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid
them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility
of making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of course of arbitration.
You may say that the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand,
if they guess what is going on before the time comes; but in the
West we have against this a manoeuvre of such appalling terror
that the very stoutest hearts quail — the undergrounds,
metropolitains, those subterranean corridors which, before the
time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence
those capitals will be blown into the air with all their
organizations and archives.
The outside appearances in the political. The “genius” of
rascality. What is promised by a Masonic coup d’etat?
Universal suffrage. Self-importance. Leaders of Masonry. The
genius who is guide of Masonry. Institutions and their
functions. The poison of liberalism. Constitution a school
of party discords. Era of republics. Presidents — the
puppets of Masonry. Responsibility of Presidents. “Panama”
Part played by chamber of deputies and president. Masonry —
the legislative force. New republican constitution.
Transition to masonic “despotism.” Moment for the
proclamation of “The Lord of all the World.” Inoculation of
diseases and other wiles of Masonry.
To-day I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and
I beg you to bear in mind that governments and peoples are
content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of
things when their representatives give the best of their energies
to enjoying themselves? For Our policy it is of the greatest
importance to take cognisance of this detail; it will be of
assistance to us when we come to consider the division of
authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith),
of the law of association, of equality before the law, of the
inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea
of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these
questions are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and
openly before the people. In cases where it is indispensable to
touch upon them they must not be categorically named, it must
merely be declared without detailed exposition that the
principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. The reason
of keeping silence in this respect is that by not naming a
principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or
that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all
categorically named they would all appear to have been already
given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the
geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of
violence with the admiring response: “rascally, well, yes, it is
rascally, but it’s clever! . . a trick, if you like, but how
craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!”
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting
the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been
drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is
indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in
ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible
might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers
will break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d’etat we shall say then
to the various peoples: “Everything has gone terribly badly, all
have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes
of your torment — nationalities, frontiers, differences of
coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence
upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by
you before you make any trial of what we are offering you.” . . .
Then will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a
unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we
have made the instrument will set us on the throne of the world
by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the human
race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will
then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the
last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance
with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without
distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish
an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated
propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of
self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance
of the family and its educational value and remove the
possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob,
handled by us, will not let them come to the front nor even give
them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it
for obedience and attention, In this way we shall create a blind,
mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any’
direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by
us as leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime
because it will know that upon these leaders will depend its
earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of
benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one
brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed
to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is
allowable, therefore, for us to have cognisance of the scheme of
action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the
interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of
the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make
alterations in a labor of this kind by means of numerous votings
is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocinations and
misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and
nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and
suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF
GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a select
company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside
down just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and
consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress,
which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our
schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries
approximately one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry,
Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need
not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these
institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that;
only take note of the fact that each of the above-named
institutions corresponds to some important function of the State,
and I would beg you to remark that the word “important” I apply
not to the institution but to the function, consequently it is
not the institutions which are important but their functions.
These institutions have divided up among themselves all the
functions of government — administrative, legislative,
executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs
in the human body. If we injure one part in the machinery of
State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of
Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change.
States have been seized with a mortal illness — blood-poisoning.
All that remains is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place
of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism;
and a constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a
school of discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements,
fruitless party agitations, party whims –in a word, a school of
everything that serves to destroy the personality of State
activity. The tribune of the “talkeries” has, no less effectively
than the Press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence,
and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which
reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then it
was that the era of republics became possible of realization; and
then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a
government — by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst
of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of
the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather
say, under the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of
presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in
carrying through matters for which our impersonal puppet will be
responsible. What do we care of the ranks of those striving for
power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from
the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will
finally disorganize the country? ….
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall
arrange elections in favour of such presidents as have in their
past some dark, undiscovered stain, some “Panama” or other —
then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of
our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire
of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of the
privileges, advantages and honour connected with the office of
president. The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will
protect, will elect presidents, but we shall take from it the
right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this
right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet
in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an
appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the
heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that
same blind slave of ours — the majority of the mob.
Independently of this we shall invest the president with the
right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last
right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole army
of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for
the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to
defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative
of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of
the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside ourselves
will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new
republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of
interpellation on government measures, on the pretext of
preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new
constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum,
thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the
passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly
to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall
nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority
of the whole people. . . Upon the president will depend the
appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and
the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall
reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president,
as chief of the executive power, will have the right to summon
and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the
time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in
order that the consequences of all these acts which in substance
are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the
responsibility established by us of the president, we shall
instigate ministers and other officials of the higher
administration about the president to evade his dispositions by
taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be made
the scapegoats in his place. . . This part we especially
recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of
State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual
official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense
of such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation;
he will further annul them when we indicate to him the necessity
to do so, besides this, he will have the right to propose
temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the
other being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the
State.
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying
little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we
enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the
constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an
imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then
the time is come to turn every form of government into our
despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the
destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition
will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities
and incompetence — a matter which we shall arrange for — of
their rulers, will clamour: “Away with them and give us one king
over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of
discords — frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts —
who will give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our
rulers and representatives.”
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the
possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations
it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people’s
relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust
humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the
use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by
want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in
our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space
the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.
Programme of the new constitution. Certain details of the
proposed revolution. The goyim — a pack of sheep. Secret
masonry and its “show” lodges.
The State Council has been, as it were, the emphatic
expression of the authority of the ruler: it will be, as the
“show” part of the Legislative Corps, what may be called the
editorial committee of the laws and decrees of the ruler.
This, then, is the programme of the new constitution. We
shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals
to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president under
the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of
resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial
orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise — in
the form of a revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus agendi we will
occupy ourselves with details of those combinations by which we
have still to complete the revolution in the course of the
machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these
combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right of
association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and
many another that must disappear for ever from the memory of man,
or undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of
the new constitution. It is only at that moment that we shall be
able at once to announce all our orders, for, afterwards, every
noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the following
reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and
in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling
of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same
direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in a sense of
further indulgences it will be said that we have recognized our
own wrongdoing and this will destroy the prestige of the
infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we
have become alarmed and are compelled to show a yielding
disposition, for which we shall get no thanks because it will be
supposed to be compulsory. . . Both the one and the other are
injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. What we want
is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the
peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact
of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and
uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so
strong, so inexpungable, so superabundantly filled with power,
that in no case shall we take any account of them, and so far
from paying any attention to their opinions or wishes, we are
ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression or
manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we
have seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case
divide our power with them. . . Then in fear and trembling they
will close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what
will be the end of it all.
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And
you know what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock?…
There is another reason also why they will close their eyes:
for we shall keep promising them to give back all the liberties
we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of
peace and tamed all parties. . .
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time
they will be kept waiting for this return of their liberties
For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and
insinuated it into the minds of the goys without giving them any
chance to examine its underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if
not in order to obtain in a roundabout way what is for our
scattered tribe unattainable by the direct road? It is this which
has served as the basis for our organization of secret masonry
which is not known to, and aims which are not even so much as
suspected by, these Goy cattle, attracted by us into the “Show”
army of Masonic Lodges in order to throw dust in the eyes of
their fellows.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the
dispersion, and in this which appears in all eyes to be our
weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought
us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world.
There now remains not much more for us to build up upon the
foundation we have laid.
Masonic interpretation of the word “freedom.” Future of the
press in the masonic kingdom. Control of the press.
Correspondence agencies. What is progress as understood by
masonry? More about the press. Masonic solidarity in the
press of to-day. The arousing of “public” demands in the
provinces. Infallibility of the new regime.
The word “freedom,” which can be interpreted in various
ways, is defined by us as follows:–
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This
interpretation of the word will at the proper time be of service
to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the
laws will abolish or create only that which is desirable for us
according to the aforesaid programme.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is
the part played by the press today? It serves to excite and
inflame those passions which are needed for our purpose or else
it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust,
mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest
idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and
bridle it with a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all
productions of the printing press, for where would be the sense
of getting rid of the attacks of the press if we remain targets
for pamphlets and books? The produce of publicity, which nowadays
is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring
it, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income
to our State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require
deposits of caution-money before permitting the establishment of
any organ of the press or of printing offices; these will then
have to guarantee our government against any kind of attack on
the part of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such
still be possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such
measures as stamp tax, deposits, of caution money and fines
secured by these deposits, will bring in a huge income to the
government. It is true that party organs might not spare money
for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut up at the
second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on
the aureole of our government infallibility. The pretext for
stopping any publication will be the alleged plea that it is
agitating the public mind without occasion or justification. I
beg you to note that among those making attacks upon us will also
be organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively
points that we have pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our
control. Even now this is already attained by us inasmuch as all
news items are received by a few agencies, in whose offices they
are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will then
be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what we
dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the
minds of the goy communities to such an extent that they all come
near looking upon the events of the world through the coloured
glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses:
if already now there is not a single State where there exist for
us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State
secrets: what will our position be then, when we shall be
acknowledged supreme lords of the world in the person of our king
of all the world….
Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every
one desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be
obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted therefor,
which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded. With
such measures the instrument of thought will become an educative
means in the hands of our government, which will no longer allow
the mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies
about the blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does
not know that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to
foolish imaginings which give birth to anarchical relations of
men among themselves and towards authority, because progress, or
rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception of
every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its
limits. . . All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in
fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting after
phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that
is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest.
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as
on all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of
caution-money, and books of less than 30 sheets will pay double.
We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to
reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of
printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may
force writers into such lengthy productions that they will be
little read especially as they will be costly. At the same time
what we shall publish ourselves to influence mental development
in the direction laid down for our profit will he cheap and will
be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions
within bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary
men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found who are
desirous of writing against us, they will not find any person
eager to print their productions. Before accepting any production
for publication in print the publisher or printer will have to
apply to the authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall
know beforehand of all tricks preparing against us and shall
nullify them by getting ahead with explanations on the subject
treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important
educative forces, and therefore our government will become
proprietor of the majority of the journals. This will neutralize
the injurious influence of the privately-owned press and will put
us in possession of the tremendous influence upon the public
mind. . . If we give permit for ten journals, we shall ourselves
found thirty, and so on the same proportion. This, however, must
in nowise be suspected by the public. For which reason all
journals published by us will be of the most opposite, in
appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby creating confidence
in us and bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious opponents,
who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official
character. They will always stand guard over our interests, and
therefore their influence will comparatively insignificant.
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part
it will be to attract the tepid and indifferent. In the third
rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, opposition,
which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks
like the very antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will
accept this simulated opposition as their own and will show us
their cards.
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions —
aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical — for
so long, of course, as the constitution exists. . . Like the
Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one
of them will have a finger on any one of the public opinions as
required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in
the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power
of judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will
think they are repeating the opinion of a newspaper of their own
camp will be repeating our opinion or any opinion that seems
desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are following the
organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we
hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we
must take especial and minute care in organizing this matter.
Under the title of central department of the press we shall
institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without
attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day.
By discussing and controverting, but always superficially,
without touching the essence of the matter, our organs will carry
on a sham fight fusillade with the official newspapers solely for
the purpose of giving occasion for us to express ourselves more
fully than could well be done from the outset in official
announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose,
namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the existence of
full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion to
affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers, since
they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our
orders.
Methods of organization like these, imperceptible to the
public eye but absolutely sure, are the best calculated to
succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence of the
public to the side of our government. Thanks to such methods we
shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to
excite or to tranquillise the public mind on political questions,
to persuade or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or
their contradictions, according as they may be well or ill
received, always very cautiously feeling our ground before
stepping upon it. . . We shall have a sure triumph over our
opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of
the press in which they can give full and final expression to
their views owing to the aforesaid methods of dealing with the
press. We shall not even need to refute them except very
superficially.
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our
press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in
our semi-official organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there
are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the
watchword: all organs of the press are bound together by
professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their
numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information
unless it be resolved to make announcement of them. Not one
journalist will venture to betray this secret, for not one of
them is ever admitted to practise literature unless his whole
past has some disgraceful sore or other. . . These sores would be
immediately revealed. So long as they remain the secret of a few
the prestige of the journalist attracts the majority of the
country — the mob follow after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces.
It is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes and
impulses with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital,
and we shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are
the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally,
the source of them will be always one and the same — ours. What
we need is that, until such time as we are in the plenitude of
power, the capitals should find themselves stifled by the
provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a majority arranged by
our agentur. What we need is that at the psychological moment the
capitals should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished
fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been
accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to
that of our assumption of full sovereignity must not admit any
revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it is
necessary that the new regime should be thought to have so
perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has
disappeared. . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should
remain known only to their victims and to chance witnesses — no
more.
The need for daily bread. Questions of the Political.
Questions of industry. Amusements. People’s Palaces. “Truth
is One.” The great problems.
The need for daily bread forces the goyim to keep silence
and be our humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from
among the goyim will at our orders discuss anything which it is
inconvenient for us to issue directly in official documents, and
we meanwhile, quietly amid the din of the discussion so raised,
shall simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and
then offer them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one
will dare to demand the abrogation of a matter once settled, all
the more so as it will be represented as an improvement. . . And
immediately the press will distract the current of thought
towards new questions (have we not trained people always to be
seeking something new?). Into the discussions of these new
questions will throw themselves those of the brainless dispensers
of fortunes who are not able even now to understand that they
have not the remotest conception about the matters which they
undertake to discuss. Questions of the political are unattainable
for any save those who have guided it already for many ages, the
creators.
From all this you will see that in securing the opinion of
the mob we are only facilitating the working of our machinery,
and you may remark that it is not for actions but for words
issued by us on this or that question that we seem to seek
approval. We are constantly making public declaration that we are
guided in all our undertakings by the hope, joined to the
conviction, that we are serving the common weal.
In order to distract people who may be too troublesome from
discussions of questions of the political we are now putting
forward what we allege to be new questions of the political,
namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let them discuss
themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to
take a rest from what they suppose to be political activity
(which we trained them to in order to use them as a means of
combatting the goy governments) only on condition of being found
new employments, in which we are prescribing them something that
looks like the same political object. In order that the masses
themselves may not guess what they are about we further distract
them with amusements, games, pastimes, passions, people’s
palaces. . . Soon we shall begin through the press to propose
competitions in art, in sport of all kinds: these interests will
finally distract their minds from questions in which we should
find ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more
disaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions of their own,
people will begin to talk in the same tone as we, because we
alone shall be offering them new directions for thought of course
through such persons as will not be suspected of solidarity with
us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will be
finally played out when our government is acknowledged. Till such
time they will continue to do us good service. Therefore we shall
continue to direct their minds to all sorts of vain conceptions
of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive: for have
we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the
goyim with progress, till there it not among the goyim one mind
able to perceive that under this work lies a departure from truth
in all cases where it is not a question of material inventions,
for truth is one, and in it there is no place for progress.
Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure truth so that
none may know it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great
problems which have turned humanity upside down in order to bring
it at the end under our beneficent rule.
Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were
stage-managed by us according to political plan which no one has
so much as guessed at in the course of many centuries? . . .
The religion of the future. Future conditions of serfdom.
Inaccessibility of knowledge regarding the religion of the
future. Pornography and the printed matter of the future.
When we come into our kingdom it will be undesirable for us
that there should exist any other religion than ours of the One
God with whom our destiny is bound up by our position as the
Chosen People and through whom our same destiny is united with
the destinies of the world. We must therefore sweep away all
other forms of belief. If this gives birth to the atheists whom
we see to-day, it will not, being only a transitional stage,
interfere with our views, but will serve as a warning for those
generations which will hearken to our preaching of the religion
of Moses, that, by its stable and thoroughly elaborated system
has brought all the peoples of the world into subjection to us.
Therein we shall emphasize its mystical right, on which, as we
shall say, all its educative power is based. . . Then at every
possible opportunity we shall publish articles in which we shall
make comparisons between our beneficent rule and those of past
ages. The blessings of tranquillity, though it be a tranquility
forcibly brought about by centuries of agitation, will throw into
higher relief the benefits to which we shall point. The errors of
the goyim governments will be depicted by us in the most vivid
hues. We shall implant such an abhorrence of them that the
peoples will prefer tranquillity in a state of serfdom to those
rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured humanity and
exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources which have
been exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who know not what
they do. . . Useless changes of forms of government to which we
instigated the GOYIM when we were undermining their state
structures, will have so wearied the peoples by that time that
they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather than run the
risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have
gone through.
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the
historical mistakes of the goy governments which have tormented
humanity for so many centuries by their lack of understanding of
everything that constitutes the true good of humanity in their
chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have never
noticed that these schemes kept on producing a worse and never a
better state of the universal relations which are the basis of
human life. . .
The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in
the fact that we shall present them and expound them as a
splendid contrast to the dead and decomposed old order of things
in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the
various beliefs of the GOYIM, but no one will ever bring under
discussion our faith from its true point of view since this will
be fully learned by none save ours, who will never dare to betray
its secrets.
In countries known as progressive and enlightened we have
created a senseless, filthy, abominable literature. For some time
after our entrance to power we shall continue to encourage its
existence in order to provide a telling relief by contrast to the
speeches, party programme, which will be distributed from exalted
quarters of ours. Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the
goyim, will compose speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which
will be used by us to influence the minds of the goyim, directing
them towards such understanding and forms of knowledge as have
been determined by us.
One-day coup d'etat (revolution) over all the world.
Executions. Future lot of goyim-masons. Mysticism of
authority. Multiplication of masonic lodges. Central
governing board of masonic elders. The "Azev-tactics."
Masonry as leader and guide of all secret societies.
Significance of public applause. Collectivism. Victims.
Executions of masons. Fall of the prestige of laws and
authority. Our position as the Chosen people. Brevity and
clarity of the laws of the kingdom of the future. Obedience
to orders. Measures against abuse of authority. Severity of
penalties. Age-limit for judges. Liberalism of judges and
authorities. The money of all the world. Absolutism of
masonry. Right of appeal. Patriarchal "outside appearance"
of the power of the future "ruler." Apotheosis of the ruler.
The right of the strong as the one and only right. The King
of Israel. Patriarch of all the world.
When we at last definitely come into our kingdom by the aid
of coups d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day,
after the worthlessness of all existing forms of government has
been definitely acknowledged (and not a little time will pass
before that comes about, perhaps even a whole century) we shall
make it our task to see that against us such things as plots
shall no longer exist. With this purpose we shall slay without
mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our
kingdom. Every kind of new institution of anything like a secret
society will also be punished with death; those of them which are
now in existence, are known to us, serve us and have served us,
we shall disband and send into exile to continents far removed
from Europe. In this way we shall proceed with those GOY masons
who know too much; such of these as we may for some reason spare
will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate a law
making all former members of secret societies liable to exile
from Europe as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply
rooted discord and protestantism, the only possible way of
restoring order is to employ merciless measures that prove the
direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to the victims
who fall, they suffer for the well being of the future. The
attainment of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices,
is the duty of any kind of government that acknowledges as
justification for its existence not only its privileges but its
obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of rule is to
confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only
by such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its
face the emblems of inviolability from mystical causes -- from
the choice of God. Such was, until recent times, the Russian
autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the world,
without counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example when Italy,
drenched with blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla
who had poured forth that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for
his might in the eyes of the people, though they had been torn in
pieces by him, but his intrepid return to Italy ringed him round
with inviolability. The people do not lay a finger on him who
hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of mind.
Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall
act in the contrary way: we shall create and multiply free
masonic lodges in all the countries of the world, absorb into
them all who may become or who are prominent in public activity,
for in these lodges we shall find our principal intelligence
office and means of influence. All these lodges we shall bring
under one central administration, known to us alone and to all
others absolutely unknown, which will be composed of our learned
elders. The lodges will have their representatives who will serve
to screen the above-mentioned administration of masonry and from
whom will issue the watchword and programme. In these lodges we
shall tie together the knot which binds together all
revolutionary and liberal elements. Their composition will be
made up of all strata of society. The most secret political plots
will be known to us and will fall under our guiding hands on the
very day of their conception. Among the members of these lodges
will be almost all the agents of international and national
police since their service is for us irreplaceable in the respect
that the police is in a position not only to use its own
particular measures with the insubordinate, but also to screen
our activities and provide pretexts for discontents, et cetera.
The class of people who most willingly enter into secret
societies are those who live by their wits, careerists, and in
general people, mostly light-minded, with whom we shall have no
difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the mechanism of
the machine devised by us. If this world grows agitated the
meaning of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order
to break up its too great solidarity. But if there should arise
in its midst a plot, then at the head of that plot will be no
other than one of our most trusted servants. It is natural that
we and no other should lead masonic activities, for we know
whither we are leading, we know the final goal of every form of
activity whereas the goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of
the immediate effect of action; they put before themselves,
usually, the momentary reckoning of the satisfaction of their
self-opinion in the accomplishment of their thought without even
remarking that the very conception never belonged to their
initiative but to our instigation of their thought. . .
The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope
by their means to get a nibble at the public pie, and some of
them in order to obtain a hearing before the public for their
impracticable and groundless fantasies: they thirst for the
emotion of success and applause, of which we are remarkably
generous. And the reason why we give them this success is to make
use of the high conceit of themselves to which it gives birth,
for that insensibly disposes them to assimilate our suggestions
without being on their guard against them in the fullness of
their confidence that it is their own infallibility which is
giving utterance to their own thoughts and that it is impossible
for them to borrow those of others. . . You cannot imagine to
what extent the wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of
unconscious naivete in the presence of this condition of high
conceit of themselves, and at the same time how easy it is to
take the heart out of them by the slightest ill-success, though
it be nothing more than the stoppage of the applause they had,
and to reduce them to a slavish submission for the sake of
winning a renewal of success. . . By so much as ours disregard
success if only they can carry through their plans. By so much
the GOYIM are willing to sacrifice any plans only to have
success. This psychology of theirs materially facilitates for us
the task of setting them in the required direction. These tigers
in appearance have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely
through their heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse of an
idea about the absorption of individuality by the symbolic unit
of collectivism. They have never yet and they never will have the
sense to reflect that this hobby horse is a manifest violation of
the most important law of nature, which has established from the
very creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely
for the purpose of instituting individuality.
If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid
blindness is it not a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the
degree to which the mind of the goyim is undeveloped in
comparison with our mind? This it is, mainly, which guarantees
our success.
And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times
when they said that to attain a serious end it behooves not to
stop at any means or to count the victims sacrificed for the sake
of that end. . . We have not counted the victims of the seed of
the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed many of our own, but
for that we have now already given them such a position on the
earth as they could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively
small numbers of the victims from the number of ours have
preserved our nationality from destruction. Death is the
inevitable end for all. It is better to bring that end nearer to
those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the founders
of this affair. We execute masons in such wise that none save the
brotherhood can ever have a suspicion of it, not even the victims
themselves of our death sentence, they all die when required as
if from a normal kind of illness. Knowing this, even the
brotherhood in its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have
plucked out of the midst of masonry the very root of protest
against our disposition. While preaching liberalism to the goyim
we at the same time keep our own people and our agents in a state
of unquestioning submission.
Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim
has been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been
exploded by the liberal interpretations introduced into this
sphere. In the most important and fundamental affairs and
questions judges decide as we dictate to them, see matters in the
light wherewith we enfold them for the administration of the
goyim, of course, through persons who are our tools though we do
not appear to have anything in common with them -- by newspaper
opinion or by other means. Even senators and the higher
administration accept our counsels. The purely brute mind of the
goyim is incapable of use for analysis and observation, and still
more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner of setting a
question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim
and ourselves may be clearly discerned the seal of our position
on the Chosen People and of our higher quality of humanness, in
contra-distinction to the brute mind of the goyim. Their eyes are
open, but see nothing before them and do not invent (unless,
perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature
herself has destined us to guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest
its blessings, we shall remake all legislatures, all our laws
will be brief, plain, stable, without any kind of
interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to know
them perfectly. The main feature which will run right through
them is submission to orders, and this principle will be carried
to a grandiose height. Every abuse will then disappear in
consequence of the responsibility of all down to the lowest unit
before the higher authority of the representative of power.
Abuses of power subordinate to this last instance will be so
mercilessly punished that none will be found anxious to try
experiments with their own powers. We shall follow up jealously
every action of the administration on which depends the smooth
running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this
produces slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or
abuse of power will be left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the
service of the administration -- all this kind of evil will
disappear after the very first examples of severe punishment. The
aureole of our power demands suitable, that is, cruel,
punishments for the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain,
of its supreme prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may
exceed his fault, will count as a soldier falling on the
administrative field of battle in the interest of authority,
principle and law, which do not permit that any of those who hold
the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public
highway to their own private paths. For example: our judges will
know that whenever they feel disposed to plume themselves on
foolish clemency they are violating the law of justice which is
instituted for the exemplary edification of men by penalties for
lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the
judge. . . Such qualities it is proper to show in private life,
but not in a public square which is the educationary basis of
human life.
Our legal staff will serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly
because old men more obstinately hold to prejudiced opinions, and
are less capable of submitting to new directions, and secondly
because this will give us the possibility by this measure of
securing elasticity in the changing of staff, which will thus the
more easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to keep his
place will have to give blind obedience to deserve it. In
general, our judges will be elected by us only from among those
who thoroughly understand that the part they have to play is to
punish and apply laws and not to dream about the manifestations
of liberalism at the expense of the educationary scheme of the
State, as the goyim in these days imagine it to be. . . This
method of shuffling the staff will serve also to explode any
collective solidarity of those in the same service and will bind
all to the interests of the government upon which their fate will
depend. The young generation of judges will be trained in certain
views regarding the inadmissibility of any abuses that might
disturb the established order of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to
every kind of crimes, not having a just understanding of their
office, because the rulers of the present age in appointing
judges to office take no care to inculcate in them a sense of
duty and consciousness of the matter which is demanded of them.
As a brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do the
goyim give their subjects places of profit without thinking to
make clear to them for what purpose such place was created. This
is the reason why their governments are being ruined by their own
forces through the acts of their own administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the results of these
actions yet another lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the important
strategic posts of our government on which depends the training
of subordinates for our State structure. Such posts will fall
exclusively to those who have been trained by us for
administrative rule. To the possible objection that the
retirement of old servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I
reply, firstly, they will be provided with some private service
in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have to remark that
all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands,
consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive
and therefore in each one of its decrees our supreme will will be
respected and unquestionably fulfilled: it will ignore all
murmurs, all discontents of every kind and will destroy to the
root every kind of manifestation of them in act by punishment of
an exemplary character.
We shall abolish the right of cassation, which will be
transferred exclusively to our disposal -- to the cognisanze of
him who rules, for we must not allow the conception among the
people of a thought that there could be such a thing as a
decision that is not right of judges set up by us. If, however,
anything like this should occur, we shall ourselves cassate the
decision, but inflict therewith such exemplary punishment on the
judge for lack of understanding of his duty and the purpose of
his appointment as will prevent a repetition of such cases. I
repeat that it must be borne in mind that we shall know every
step of our administration which only needs to be closely watched
for the people to be content with us, for it has the right to
demand from a good government a good official.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal
paternal guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation
and our subjects will discern in his person a father caring for
their every need, their every act, their every inter-relation as
subjects one with another, as well as their relations to the
ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought
that it is impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and
guidance, if the wish to live in piece and quiet, that they will
acknowledge the autocracy of our ruler with a devotion bordering
on APOTHEOSIS, especially when they are convinced that those whom
we set up do not put their own in place of his authority, but
only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we
have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise
parents who desire to train their children in the cause of duty
and submission, For the peoples of the world in regard to the
secrets of our polity are ever through the ages only children
under age, precisely as are also their governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the
right to compel the execution of duty is the direct obligation of
a government which is a father for its subjects. It has the right
of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of directing
humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely,
submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission,
if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character,
in all cases, to what is stronger. And so shall we be this
something stronger for the sake of good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals,
who commit a breach of established order, for in the exemplary
punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown
offered him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The
indispensable victims offered by him in consequence of their
suitability will never reach the number of victims offered in the
course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the emulation
between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples,
making to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in that
same hour distribute over all the world.
Emasculation of the universities. Substitute for classicism.
Training and calling. Advertisement of the authority of “the
ruler” in the schools. Abolition of freedom of instruction.
New Theories. Independence of thought. Teaching by object
lessons.
In order to effect the destruction of all collective forces
except ours we shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism –
– the universities, by re-educating them in a new direction.
Their officials and professors will be prepared for their
business by detailed secret programmes of action from which they
will not with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be
appointed with especial precaution, and will be so placed as to
be wholly dependent upon the Government.
We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as
also all that concerns the political question. These subjects
will be taught to a few dozens of persons chosen for their pre-
eminent capacities from among the number of the initiated. The
universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops
concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy,
busying themselves with questions of policy in which even their
own fathers never had any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons
with questions of polity creates utopian dreamers and bad
subjects, as you can see for yourselves from the example of the
universal education in this direction of the goyim. We must
introduce into their education all those principles which have so
brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we
shall remove every kind of disturbing subject from the course of
education and shall make out of the youth obedient children of
authority, loving him who rules as the support and hope of peace
and quiet.
Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in
which there are more bad than good examples, we shall replace
with the study of the programme of the future. We shall erase
from the memory of men all facts of previous centuries which are
undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the
errors of the governments of the goyim. The study of practical
life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of people one
to another, of avoiding bad and selfish examples which spread the
infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature,
will stand in the forefront of the teaching programme, which will
be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling or slate of life,
in no wise generalising the teaching. This treatment of the
question has special importance.
Each state of life must be trained within strict limits
corresponding to its destination and work in life. The occasional
genius has always managed and always will manage to slip through
into other states of life but it is the most perfect folly for
the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into ranks
foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those
who belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know
yourselves in what all this has ended for the goyim who allowed
this crying absurdity.
In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the
hearts and minds of his subjects it is necessary for the time of
his activity to instruct the whole nation in the schools and on
the market places about his meaning and his acts and all his
beneficent initiatives.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction.
Learners of all ages will have the right to assemble together
with their parents in the educational establishments as it were
in a club: during these assemblies, on holydays, teachers will
read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human
relations, of the laws of examples, of the limitations which are
born of unconscious relations, and, finally, of the philosophy of
new theories not yet declared to the world. These theories will
be raised by us to the stage of a dogma of faith as a
transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of this
exposition of our programme of action in the present and the
future I will read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that
people live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed
by people only by the aid of education provided with equal
success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying methods,
we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last
scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past
been directing towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The
system of bridling thought is already at work in the so-called
system of teaching by object lessons, the purpose of which is to
turn the goyim into unthinking submissive brutes waiting for
things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea
of them. . . In France, one of four best agents, Bourgeois, has
already made public a new programme of teaching by object
lessons.
Advocacy. Influence of the priesthood of the goyim. Freedom
of conscience. Papal Court. King of the Jews as Patriarch-
Pope. How to fight the existing Church. Function of
contemporary press. Organization of police. Volunteer
police. Espionage on the pattern of the kabal espionage.
Abuses of authority.
The practice of advocacy produces men cold, cruel,
persistent, unprincipled, who in all cases take up an impersonal
purely legal standpoint. They have the inveterate habit to refer
everything to its value for the defence, not to the public
welfare of its results. They do not usually decline to undertake
any defence whatever, they strive for an acquittal at all costs,
cavilling over every petty crux of jurisprudence and thereby they
demoralize justice. For this reason we shall set this profession
into narrow frames which will keep it inside this sphere of
executive public service. Advocates, equally with judges, will be
deprived of the right of communication with litigants; they will
receive business only from the court and will study it by notes
off report and documents, defending their clients after they have
been interrogated in court on facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the
defence. This will render them mere reporters on law-business in
the interests of justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who
will be the reporter in the interests of prosecution; this will
shorten business before the courts. In this way will be
established a practice of honest unprejudiced defence conducted
not from personal interest but by conviction. This will also, by
the way, remove the present practice of corrupt bargain between
advocates to agree only to let that side win which pays most. . .
We have long past taken care to discredit the priesthood of
the goyim, and thereby to ruin their mission on earth which in
these days might still be a great hindrance to us. Day by day its
influence on the peoples of the world is falling lower. Freedom
of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only
years divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that
Christian religion, as to other religions we shall have still
less difficulty in dealing with them, but it would be premature
to speak of this now. We shall set clericalism and clericals into
such narrow frames as to make their influence move in
retrogressive proportion to its former progress.
When the time comes finally to destroy the papal court the
finger of an invisible hand will point the nations towards this
court. When, however, the nations fling themselves upon it, we
shall come forward in the guise of its defenders as if to save
excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall penetrate to its
very bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until we
have gnawed through the entire strength of this place.
The King of the Jews will be the real Pope of the Universe,
the patriarch of an international Church.
But, in the meantime, while we are re-educating youth in new
traditional religions and afterwards in ours, we shall not
overtly lay a finger on existing churches but we shall fight
against them by criticism calculated to produce schism.
In general, then, our contemporary press will continue to
convict State affairs, religions, incapacities of the goyim,
always using the most unprincipled expressions in order by every
means to lower their prestige in the manner which can only be
practiced by the genius of our gifted tribe.
Our kingdom will be an apologia of the divinity Vishnu, in
whom is found its personification — in our hundred hands will
be, one in each, the springs of the machinery of social life. We
shall see everything without the aid of official police which, in
that scope of its rights which we elaborated for the use of the
goyim, hinders governments from seeing. In our programme one-
third of our subjects will keep the rest under observation from a
sense of duty, on the principle of volunteer service to the
State. It will then be no disgrace to be a spy and informer, but
a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be cruelly
punished that there may be no development of abuses of this
right.
Our agents will be taken from the higher as well as the
lower ranks of society, from among the administrative class who
spend their time in amusements, editors, printers and publishers,
booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, coachmen, lackeys, et
cetera. This body, having no rights and not being empowered to
take any action on their own account, and consequently a police
without any power, will only witness and report: verification of
their reports and arrests will depend upon a responsible group of
controllers of police affairs, while the actual act of arrest
will be performed by the gendarmerie and the municipal police.
Any person not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning
questions of polity will also be charged with and made
responsible for concealment, if it be proved that he is guilty of
this crime.
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk
to denounce to the kabal apostates of their own family or members
who have been noticed doing anything in opposition to the kabal,
so in our kingdom over all the world it will be obligatory for
all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the State in
this direction.
Such an organization will extirpate abuses of authority, of
force, of bribery, everything in fact which we by our counsel, by
our theories of the superhuman rights of man, have introduced
into the customs of the goyim. . . But how else were we to
procure that increase of causes predisposing to disorders in the
midst of their administration? . . . Among the number of those
methods one of the most important is — agents for the
restoration of order, so placed as to have the opportunity in
their disintegrating activity of developing and displaying their
evil inclinations — obstinate self-conceit, irresponsible
exercise of authority, and, first and foremost, venality.
Measures of secret defense. Observation of conspiracies from
the inside. Overt secret defense — the ruin of authority, Secret defense of the King of the Jews. Mystical prestige of
authority. Arrest on the first suspicion.
When it becomes necessary for us to strengthen the strict
measures of secret defense (the most fatal poison for the
prestige of authority) we shall arrange a simulation of disorders
or some manifestation of discontents finding expression through
the co-operation of good speakers. Round these speakers will
assemble all who are sympathetic to his utterances. This will
give us the pretext for domiciliary perquisitions and
surveillance on the part of our servants from among the number of
the goyim police.
As the majority of conspirators act out of love for the
game, for the sake of talking, so, until they commit some overt
act we shall not lay a finger on them but only introduce into
their midst observation elements. . . It must be remembered that
the prestige of authority is lessened if it frequently discovers
conspiracies against itself: this implies a presumption of
consciousness of weakness, or, what is still worse, of injustice.
You are aware that we have broken the prestige of the goy kings
by frequent attempts upon their lives through our agents, blind
sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few liberal phrases
to crimes provided only they be painted in political colours. We
have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in
advertising overt measures of secret defence and thereby we shall
bring the promise of authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most
insignificant guard, because we shall not admit so much as a
thought that there could exist against him any sedition with
which he is not strong enough to contend and is compelled to hide
from it.
If we should admit this thought, as the goyim have done and
are doing, we should ipso facto be signing a death sentence, if
not for our ruler, at any rate for his dynasty, at no distant
date.
According to strictly enforced outward appearances our ruler
will employ his power only for the advantage of the nation and in
no wise for his own or dynastic profits. Therefore, with the
observance of this decorum, his authority will be respected and
guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an apotheosis
in the admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every
citizen of the State, for upon it will depend all order in the
common life of the pack.
Overt defense of the kind argues weakness in the
organization of his strength.
Our ruler will always among the people be surrounded by a
mob of apparently curious men and women, who will occupy the
front ranks about him, to all appearance by chance, and will
restrain the ranks the rest out of respect as it will appear for
good order. This will sow an example of restraint also in others.
If a petitioner appears among the people trying to hand a
petition and forcing his way through the ranks, the first ranks
must receive the petition and before the eyes of the petitioner
pass it to the ruler, so that all may know that what is handed in
reaches its destination, that, consequently, there exists a
control of the ruler himself. The aureole of power requires for
its existence that the people may be able to say: “If the king
knew of this,” or: “the king will hear of it.”
With the establishment of official secret defense the
mystical prestige of authority disappears: given a certain
audacity, and everyone counts himself master of it, the sedition-
monger is conscious of his strength, and when occasion serves
watches for the moment to make an attempt upon authority. . . For
the goyim we have been preaching something else, but by that very
fact we are enabled to see what measures of overt defense have
brought them to.
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less
well-grounded suspicion; it cannot be allowed that out of fear of
a possible mistake an opportunity should be given of escape to
persons suspected of a political lapse or crime, for in these
matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still possible,
by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive
causes in simple crime, there is no possibility of excuse for
persons occupying themselves with questions in which nobody
except the government can understand anything. . . And it is not
all governments that understand true policy.
PROTOCOL NO. 9
Application of masonic principles in the matter of
reeducating the peoples. Masonic watchword. Meaning of Anti-
Semitism. Dictatorship of masonry. Terror. Who are the
servants of masonry. Meaning of the “clear-sighted” and the
“blind” forces of the goyim States. Communion between
authority and mob. Licence of liberalism. Seizure of
education and training. False theories. Interpretation of
laws. The “undergrounds” (metropolitains).
In applying our principles let attention be paid to the
character of the people in whose country you live and act; a
general, identical application of them, until such time as the
people shall have been re-educated to our pattern, cannot have
success. But by approaching their application cautiously you will
see that not a decade will pass before the most stubborn
character will change and we shall add a new people to the ranks
of those already subdued by us.
The words of the liberal, which are in effect the words of
our masonic watchword, namely, “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,”
will, when we come into our kingdom, be changed by us into words
no longer of a watchword, but only an expression of idealism,
namely, into: “The right of liberty, the duty of equality, the
ideal of brotherhood.” That is how we shall put it, — and so we
shall catch the bull by the horns. …. De facto we have already
wiped out every kind of rule except our own, although de jure
there still remain a good many of them. Nowadays, if any States
raise a protest against us it is only pro forma at our discretion
and by our direction, for their anti-Semitism is indispensable to
us for the management of our lesser brethren. I will not enter
into further explanations, for this matter has formed the subject
of repeated discussions amongst us.
For us there are no checks to limit the range of our
activity. Our Super-Government subsists in extra legal conditions
which are described in the accepted terminology by the energetic
and forcible word — Dictatorship. I am in a position to tell you
with a clear conscience that at the proper time we, the
lawgivers, shall execute judgement and sentence, we shall slay
and we shall spare, we, as head of all our troops, are mounted on
the steed of the leader. We rule by force of will, because in our
hands are the fragments of a once powerful party, now vanquished
by us. And the weapons in our hands are limitless ambitions,
burning greediness, merciless vengeance, hatreds and malice.
It is from us that the all-engulfing terror proceeds. We
have in our service persons of all opinions, of all doctrines,
restorating monarchists, demagogues, socialists, communists, and
utopian dreamers of every kind. We have harnessed them all to the
task: each one of them on his own account is boring away at the
last remnants of authority, is striving to overthrow all
established form of order. By these acts all States are in
torture; they exhort to tranquility, are ready to sacrifice
everything for peace: but we will not give them peace until they
openly acknowledge our international Super-Government, and with
submissiveness.
The people have raised a howl about the necessity of
settling the question of Socialism by way of an international
agreement. Division into fractional parties has given them into
our hands, for, in order to carry on a contested struggle one
must have money, and the money is all in our hands.
We might have reason to apprehend a union between the
“clear-sighted” force of the goy kings on their thrones and the
“blind” force of the goy mobs, but we have taken all the needful
measure against any such possibility: between the one and the
other force we have erected a bulwark in the shape of a mutual
terror between them. In this way the blind force of the people
remains our support and we, and we only, shall provide them with
a leader and, of course, direct them along the road that leads to
our goal.
In order that the hand of the blind mob may not free itself
from our guiding hand, we must every now and then enter into
close communion with it, if not actually in person, at any rate
through some of the most trusty of our brethren. When we are
acknowledged as the only authority we shall discuss with the
people personally on the market places, and we shall instruct
them on questions of the political in such wise as may turn them
in the direction that suits us.
Who is going to verify what is taught in the village
schools? But what an envoy of the government or a king on his
throne himself may say cannot but become immediately known to the
whole State, for it will be spread abroad by the voice of the
people.
In order not to annihilate the institutions of the goyim
before it is time we have touched them with craft and delicacy,
and have taken hold of the ends of the springs which move their
mechanism. These springs lay in a strict but just sense of order;
we have replaced them by the chaotic license of liberalism. We
have got our hands into the administration of the law, into the
conduct of elections, into the press, into liberty of the person,
but principally into education and training as being the
cornerstones of a free existence.
We have fooled, bemused and corrupted the youth of the goyim
by rearing them in principles and theories which are known to us
to be false although it is by us that they have been inculcated.
Above the existing laws without substantially altering them,
and by merely twisting them into contradictions of
interpretations, we have erected something grandiose in the way
of results. These results found expression first in the fact that
the interpretations masked the laws: afterwards they entirely hid
them from the eyes of the governments owing to the impossibility
of making anything out of the tangled web of legislation.
This is the origin of the theory of course of arbitration.
You may say that the goyim will rise upon us, arms in hand,
if they guess what is going on before the time comes; but in the
West we have against this a manoeuvre of such appalling terror
that the very stoutest hearts quail — the undergrounds,
metropolitains, those subterranean corridors which, before the
time comes, will be driven under all the capitals and from whence
those capitals will be blown into the air with all their
organizations and archives.
PROTOCOL NO. 10
The outside appearances in the political. The “genius” of
rascality. What is promised by a Masonic coup d’etat?
Universal suffrage. Self-importance. Leaders of Masonry. The
genius who is guide of Masonry. Institutions and their
functions. The poison of liberalism. Constitution a school
of party discords. Era of republics. Presidents — the
puppets of Masonry. Responsibility of Presidents. “Panama”
Part played by chamber of deputies and president. Masonry —
the legislative force. New republican constitution.
Transition to masonic “despotism.” Moment for the
proclamation of “The Lord of all the World.” Inoculation of
diseases and other wiles of Masonry.
To-day I begin with a repetition of what I said before, and
I beg you to bear in mind that governments and peoples are
content in the political with outside appearances. And how,
indeed, are the goyim to perceive the underlying meaning of
things when their representatives give the best of their energies
to enjoying themselves? For Our policy it is of the greatest
importance to take cognisance of this detail; it will be of
assistance to us when we come to consider the division of
authority, freedom of speech, of the press, of religion (faith),
of the law of association, of equality before the law, of the
inviolability of property, of the dwelling, of taxation (the idea
of concealed taxes), of the reflex force of the laws. All these
questions are such as ought not to be touched upon directly and
openly before the people. In cases where it is indispensable to
touch upon them they must not be categorically named, it must
merely be declared without detailed exposition that the
principles of contemporary law are acknowledged by us. The reason
of keeping silence in this respect is that by not naming a
principle we leave ourselves freedom of action, to drop this or
that out of it without attracting notice; if they were all
categorically named they would all appear to have been already
given.
The mob cherishes a special affection and respect for the
geniuses of political power and accepts all their deeds of
violence with the admiring response: “rascally, well, yes, it is
rascally, but it’s clever! . . a trick, if you like, but how
craftily played, how magnificently done, what impudent audacity!”
We count upon attracting all nations to the task of erecting
the new fundamental structure, the project for which has been
drawn up by us. This is why, before everything, it is
indispensable for us to arm ourselves and to store up in
ourselves that absolutely reckless audacity and irresistible
might of the spirit which in the person of our active workers
will break down all hindrances on our way.
When we have accomplished our coup d’etat we shall say then
to the various peoples: “Everything has gone terribly badly, all
have been worn out with sufferings. We are destroying the causes
of your torment — nationalities, frontiers, differences of
coinages. You are at liberty, of course, to pronounce sentence
upon us, but can it possibly be a just one if it is confirmed by
you before you make any trial of what we are offering you.” . . .
Then will the mob exalt us and bear us up in their hands in a
unanimous triumph of hopes and expectations. Voting, which we
have made the instrument will set us on the throne of the world
by teaching even the very smallest units of members of the human
race to vote by means of meetings and agreements by groups, will
then have served its purposes and will play its part then for the
last time by a unanimity of desire to make close acquaintance
with us before condemning us.
To secure this we must have everybody vote without
distinction of classes and qualifications, in order to establish
an absolute majority, which cannot be got from the educated
propertied classes. In this way, by inculcating in all a sense of
self-importance, we shall destroy among the goyim the importance
of the family and its educational value and remove the
possibility of individual minds splitting off, for the mob,
handled by us, will not let them come to the front nor even give
them a hearing; it is accustomed to listen to us only who pay it
for obedience and attention, In this way we shall create a blind,
mighty force which will never be in a position to move in any’
direction without the guidance of our agents set at its head by
us as leaders of the mob. The people will submit to this regime
because it will know that upon these leaders will depend its
earnings, gratifications and the receipt of all kinds of
benefits.
A scheme of government should come ready made from one
brain, because it will never be clinched firmly if it is allowed
to be split into fractional parts in the minds of many. It is
allowable, therefore, for us to have cognisance of the scheme of
action but not to discuss it lest we disturb its artfulness, the
interdependence of its component parts, the practical force of
the secret meaning of each clause. To discuss and make
alterations in a labor of this kind by means of numerous votings
is to impress upon it the stamp of all ratiocinations and
misunderstandings which have failed to penetrate the depth and
nexus of its plottings. We want our schemes to be forcible and
suitably concocted. Therefore WE OUGHT NOT TO FLING THE WORK OF
GENIUS OF OUR GUIDE to the fangs of the mob or even of a select
company.
These schemes will not turn existing institutions upside
down just yet. They will only affect changes in their economy and
consequently in the whole combined movement of their progress,
which will thus be directed along the paths laid down in our
schemes.
Under various names there exists in all countries
approximately one and the same thing. Representation, Ministry,
Senate, State Council, Legislative and Executive Corps. I need
not explain to you the mechanism of the relation of these
institutions to one another, because you are aware of all that;
only take note of the fact that each of the above-named
institutions corresponds to some important function of the State,
and I would beg you to remark that the word “important” I apply
not to the institution but to the function, consequently it is
not the institutions which are important but their functions.
These institutions have divided up among themselves all the
functions of government — administrative, legislative,
executive, wherefore they have come to operate as do the organs
in the human body. If we injure one part in the machinery of
State, the State falls sick, like a human body, and will die.
When we introduced into the State organism the poison of
Liberalism its whole political complexion underwent a change.
States have been seized with a mortal illness — blood-poisoning.
All that remains is to await the end of their death agony.
Liberalism produced Constitutional States, which took the place
of what was the only safeguard of the goyim, namely, Despotism;
and a constitution, as you well know, is nothing else but a
school of discords, misunderstandings, quarrels, disagreements,
fruitless party agitations, party whims –in a word, a school of
everything that serves to destroy the personality of State
activity. The tribune of the “talkeries” has, no less effectively
than the Press, condemned the rulers to inactivity and impotence,
and thereby rendered them useless and superfluous, for which
reason indeed they have been in many countries deposed. Then it
was that the era of republics became possible of realization; and
then it was that we replaced the ruler by a caricature of a
government — by a president, taken from the mob, from the midst
of our puppet creatures, our slaves. This was the foundation of
the mine which we have laid under the goy people, I should rather
say, under the goy peoples.
In the near future we shall establish the responsibility of
presidents.
By that time we shall be in a position to disregard forms in
carrying through matters for which our impersonal puppet will be
responsible. What do we care of the ranks of those striving for
power should be thinned, if there should arise a deadlock from
the impossibility of finding presidents, a deadlock which will
finally disorganize the country? ….
In order that our scheme may produce this result we shall
arrange elections in favour of such presidents as have in their
past some dark, undiscovered stain, some “Panama” or other —
then they will be trustworthy agents for the accomplishment of
our plans out of fear of revelations and from the natural desire
of everyone who has attained power, namely, the retention of the
privileges, advantages and honour connected with the office of
president. The chamber of deputies will provide cover for, will
protect, will elect presidents, but we shall take from it the
right to propose new, or make changes in existing laws, for this
right will be given by us to the responsible president, a puppet
in our hands. Naturally, the authority of the president will then
become a target for every possible form of attack, but we shall
provide him with a means of self-defense in the right of an
appeal to the people, for the decision of the people over the
heads of their representatives, that is to say, an appeal to that
same blind slave of ours — the majority of the mob.
Independently of this we shall invest the president with the
right of declaring a state of war. We shall justify this last
right on the ground that the president as chief of the whole army
of the country must have it at his disposal, in case of need for
the defense of the new republican constitution, the right to
defend which will belong to him as the responsible representative
of this constitution.
It is easy to understand that in these conditions the key of
the shrine will lie in our hands, and no one outside ourselves
will any longer direct the force of legislation.
Besides this we shall, with the introduction of the new
republican constitution, take from the Chamber the right of
interpellation on government measures, on the pretext of
preserving political secrecy, and, further, we shall by the new
constitution reduce the number of representatives to a minimum,
thereby proportionately reducing political passions and the
passion for politics. If, however, they should, which is hardly
to be expected, burst into flame, even in this minimum, we shall
nullify them by a stirring appeal and a reference to the majority
of the whole people. . . Upon the president will depend the
appointment of presidents and vice-presidents of the Chamber and
the Senate. Instead of constant sessions of Parliaments we shall
reduce their sittings to a few months. Moreover, the president,
as chief of the executive power, will have the right to summon
and dissolve Parliament, and, in the latter case, to prolong the
time for the appointment of a new parliamentary assembly. But in
order that the consequences of all these acts which in substance
are illegal, should not, prematurely for our plans, fall upon the
responsibility established by us of the president, we shall
instigate ministers and other officials of the higher
administration about the president to evade his dispositions by
taking measures of their own, for doing which they will be made
the scapegoats in his place. . . This part we especially
recommend to be given to be played by the Senate, the Council of
State, or the Council of Ministers, but not to an individual
official.
The president will, at our discretion, interpret the sense
of such of the existing laws as admit of various interpretation;
he will further annul them when we indicate to him the necessity
to do so, besides this, he will have the right to propose
temporary laws, and even new departures in the government
constitutional working, the pretext both for the one and the
other being the requirements for the supreme welfare of the
State.
By such measures we shall obtain the power of destroying
little by little, step by step, all that at the outset when we
enter on our rights, we are compelled to introduce into the
constitutions of States to prepare for the transition to an
imperceptible abolition of every kind of constitution, and then
the time is come to turn every form of government into our
despotism.
The recognition of our despot may also come before the
destruction of the constitution; the moment for this recognition
will come when the peoples, utterly wearied by the irregularities
and incompetence — a matter which we shall arrange for — of
their rulers, will clamour: “Away with them and give us one king
over all the earth who will unite us and annihilate the causes of
discords — frontiers, nationalities, religions, State debts —
who will give us peace and quiet, which we cannot find under our
rulers and representatives.”
But you yourselves perfectly well know that to produce the
possibility of the expression of such wishes by all the nations
it is indispensable to trouble in all countries the people’s
relations with their governments so as to utterly exhaust
humanity with dissension, hatred, struggle, envy and even by the
use of torture, by starvation, BY THE INOCULATION OF DISEASES, by
want, so that the GOYIM see no other issue than to take refuge in
our complete sovereignty in money and in all else.
But if we give the nations of the world a breathing space
the moment we long for is hardly likely ever to arrive.
PROTOCOL NO. 11
Programme of the new constitution. Certain details of the
proposed revolution. The goyim — a pack of sheep. Secret
masonry and its “show” lodges.
The State Council has been, as it were, the emphatic
expression of the authority of the ruler: it will be, as the
“show” part of the Legislative Corps, what may be called the
editorial committee of the laws and decrees of the ruler.
This, then, is the programme of the new constitution. We
shall make Law, Right and Justice (1) in the guise of proposals
to the Legislative Corps, (2) by decrees of the president under
the guise of general regulations, of orders of the Senate and of
resolutions of the State Council in the guise of ministerial
orders, (3) and in case a suitable occasion should arise — in
the form of a revolution in the State.
Having established approximately the modus agendi we will
occupy ourselves with details of those combinations by which we
have still to complete the revolution in the course of the
machinery of State in the direction already indicated. By these
combinations I mean the freedom of the Press, the right of
association, freedom of conscience, the voting principle, and
many another that must disappear for ever from the memory of man,
or undergo a radical alteration the day after the promulgation of
the new constitution. It is only at that moment that we shall be
able at once to announce all our orders, for, afterwards, every
noticeable alteration will be dangerous, for the following
reasons: if this alteration be brought in with harsh severity and
in a sense of severity and limitations, it may lead to a feeling
of despair caused by fear of new alterations in the same
direction; if, on the other hand, it be brought in a sense of
further indulgences it will be said that we have recognized our
own wrongdoing and this will destroy the prestige of the
infallibility of our authority, or else it will be said that we
have become alarmed and are compelled to show a yielding
disposition, for which we shall get no thanks because it will be
supposed to be compulsory. . . Both the one and the other are
injurious to the prestige of the new constitution. What we want
is that from the first moment of its promulgation, while the
peoples of the world are still stunned by the accomplished fact
of the revolution, still in a condition of terror and
uncertainty, they should recognize once for all that we are so
strong, so inexpungable, so superabundantly filled with power,
that in no case shall we take any account of them, and so far
from paying any attention to their opinions or wishes, we are
ready and able to crush with irresistible power all expression or
manifestation thereof at every moment and in every place, that we
have seized at once everything we wanted and shall in no case
divide our power with them. . . Then in fear and trembling they
will close their eyes to everything, and be content to await what
will be the end of it all.
The goyim are a flock of sheep, and we are their wolves. And
you know what happens when the wolves get hold of the flock?…
There is another reason also why they will close their eyes:
for we shall keep promising them to give back all the liberties
we have taken away as soon as we have quelled the enemies of
peace and tamed all parties. . .
It is not worth while to say anything about how long a time
they will be kept waiting for this return of their liberties
For what purpose then have we invented this whole policy and
insinuated it into the minds of the goys without giving them any
chance to examine its underlying meaning? For what, indeed, if
not in order to obtain in a roundabout way what is for our
scattered tribe unattainable by the direct road? It is this which
has served as the basis for our organization of secret masonry
which is not known to, and aims which are not even so much as
suspected by, these Goy cattle, attracted by us into the “Show”
army of Masonic Lodges in order to throw dust in the eyes of
their fellows.
God has granted to us, His Chosen People, the gift of the
dispersion, and in this which appears in all eyes to be our
weakness, has come forth all our strength, which has now brought
us to the threshold of sovereignty over all the world.
There now remains not much more for us to build up upon the
foundation we have laid.
PROTOCOL NO. 12
Masonic interpretation of the word “freedom.” Future of the
press in the masonic kingdom. Control of the press.
Correspondence agencies. What is progress as understood by
masonry? More about the press. Masonic solidarity in the
press of to-day. The arousing of “public” demands in the
provinces. Infallibility of the new regime.
The word “freedom,” which can be interpreted in various
ways, is defined by us as follows:–
Freedom is the right to do that which the law allows. This
interpretation of the word will at the proper time be of service
to us, because all freedom will thus be in our hands, since the
laws will abolish or create only that which is desirable for us
according to the aforesaid programme.
We shall deal with the press in the following way: What is
the part played by the press today? It serves to excite and
inflame those passions which are needed for our purpose or else
it serves selfish ends of parties. It is often vapid, unjust,
mendacious, and the majority of the public have not the slightest
idea what ends the press really serves. We shall saddle and
bridle it with a tight curb: we shall do the same also with all
productions of the printing press, for where would be the sense
of getting rid of the attacks of the press if we remain targets
for pamphlets and books? The produce of publicity, which nowadays
is a source of heavy expense owing to the necessity of censoring
it, will be turned by us into a very lucrative source of income
to our State: we shall lay on it a special stamp tax and require
deposits of caution-money before permitting the establishment of
any organ of the press or of printing offices; these will then
have to guarantee our government against any kind of attack on
the part of the press. For any attempt to attack us, if such
still be possible, we shall inflict fines without mercy. Such
measures as stamp tax, deposits, of caution money and fines
secured by these deposits, will bring in a huge income to the
government. It is true that party organs might not spare money
for the sake of publicity, but these we shall shut up at the
second attack upon us. No one shall with impunity lay a finger on
the aureole of our government infallibility. The pretext for
stopping any publication will be the alleged plea that it is
agitating the public mind without occasion or justification. I
beg you to note that among those making attacks upon us will also
be organs established by us, but they will attack exclusively
points that we have pre-determined to alter.
Not a single announcement will reach the public without our
control. Even now this is already attained by us inasmuch as all
news items are received by a few agencies, in whose offices they
are focused from all parts of the world. These agencies will then
be already entirely ours and will give publicity only to what we
dictate to them.
If already now we have contrived to possess ourselves of the
minds of the goy communities to such an extent that they all come
near looking upon the events of the world through the coloured
glasses of those spectacles we are setting astride their noses:
if already now there is not a single State where there exist for
us any barriers to admittance into what goy stupidity calls State
secrets: what will our position be then, when we shall be
acknowledged supreme lords of the world in the person of our king
of all the world….
Let us turn again to the future of the printing press. Every
one desirous of being a publisher, librarian, or printer, will be
obliged to provide himself with the diploma instituted therefor,
which, in case of any fault, will be immediately impounded. With
such measures the instrument of thought will become an educative
means in the hands of our government, which will no longer allow
the mass of the nation to be led astray in by-ways and fantasies
about the blessings of progress. Is there any one of us who does
not know that these phantom blessings are the direct roads to
foolish imaginings which give birth to anarchical relations of
men among themselves and towards authority, because progress, or
rather the idea of progress, has introduced the conception of
every kind of emancipation, but has failed to establish its
limits. . . All the so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in
fact, at any rate in thought. Every one of them is hunting after
phantoms of freedom, and falling exclusively into license, that
is, into the anarchy of protest for the sake of protest.
We turn to the periodical press. We shall impose on it, as
on all printed matter, stamp taxes per sheet and deposits of
caution-money, and books of less than 30 sheets will pay double.
We shall reckon them as pamphlets in order, on the one hand, to
reduce the number of magazines, which are the worst form of
printed poison, and, on the other, in order that this measure may
force writers into such lengthy productions that they will be
little read especially as they will be costly. At the same time
what we shall publish ourselves to influence mental development
in the direction laid down for our profit will he cheap and will
be read voraciously. The tax will bring vapid literary ambitions
within bounds and the liability to penalties will make literary
men dependent upon us. And if there should be any found who are
desirous of writing against us, they will not find any person
eager to print their productions. Before accepting any production
for publication in print the publisher or printer will have to
apply to the authorities for permission to do so. Thus we shall
know beforehand of all tricks preparing against us and shall
nullify them by getting ahead with explanations on the subject
treated of.
Literature and journalism are two of the most important
educative forces, and therefore our government will become
proprietor of the majority of the journals. This will neutralize
the injurious influence of the privately-owned press and will put
us in possession of the tremendous influence upon the public
mind. . . If we give permit for ten journals, we shall ourselves
found thirty, and so on the same proportion. This, however, must
in nowise be suspected by the public. For which reason all
journals published by us will be of the most opposite, in
appearance, tendencies and opinions, thereby creating confidence
in us and bringing over to us our quite unsuspicious opponents,
who will thus fall into our trap and be rendered harmless.
In the front rank will stand organs of an official
character. They will always stand guard over our interests, and
therefore their influence will comparatively insignificant.
In the second rank will be the semi-official organs, whose part
it will be to attract the tepid and indifferent. In the third
rank we shall set up our own, to all appearance, opposition,
which, in at least one of its organs, will present what looks
like the very antipodes to us. Our real opponents at heart will
accept this simulated opposition as their own and will show us
their cards.
All our newspapers will be of all possible complexions —
aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, even anarchical — for
so long, of course, as the constitution exists. . . Like the
Indian idol Vishnu they will have a hundred hands, and every one
of them will have a finger on any one of the public opinions as
required. When a pulse quickens these hands will lead opinion in
the direction of our aims, for an excited patient loses all power
of judgment and easily yields to suggestion. Those fools who will
think they are repeating the opinion of a newspaper of their own
camp will be repeating our opinion or any opinion that seems
desirable for us. In the vain belief that they are following the
organ of their party they will in fact follow the flag which we
hang out for them.
In order to direct our newspaper militia in this sense we
must take especial and minute care in organizing this matter.
Under the title of central department of the press we shall
institute literary gatherings at which our agents will without
attracting attention issue the orders and watchwords of the day.
By discussing and controverting, but always superficially,
without touching the essence of the matter, our organs will carry
on a sham fight fusillade with the official newspapers solely for
the purpose of giving occasion for us to express ourselves more
fully than could well be done from the outset in official
announcements, whenever, of course, that is to our advantage.
These attacks upon us will also serve another purpose,
namely, that our subjects will be convinced of the existence of
full freedom of speech and so give our agents an occasion to
affirm that all organs which oppose us are empty babblers, since
they are incapable of finding any substantial objections to our
orders.
Methods of organization like these, imperceptible to the
public eye but absolutely sure, are the best calculated to
succeed in bringing the attention and the confidence of the
public to the side of our government. Thanks to such methods we
shall be in a position as from time to time may be required, to
excite or to tranquillise the public mind on political questions,
to persuade or to confuse, printing now truth, now lies, facts or
their contradictions, according as they may be well or ill
received, always very cautiously feeling our ground before
stepping upon it. . . We shall have a sure triumph over our
opponents since they will not have at their disposition organs of
the press in which they can give full and final expression to
their views owing to the aforesaid methods of dealing with the
press. We shall not even need to refute them except very
superficially.
Trial shots like these, fired by us in the third rank of our
press, in case of need, will be energetically refuted by us in
our semi-official organs.
Even nowadays, already, to take only the French press, there
are forms which reveal masonic solidarity in acting on the
watchword: all organs of the press are bound together by
professional secrecy; like the augurs of old, not one of their
numbers will give away the secret of his sources of information
unless it be resolved to make announcement of them. Not one
journalist will venture to betray this secret, for not one of
them is ever admitted to practise literature unless his whole
past has some disgraceful sore or other. . . These sores would be
immediately revealed. So long as they remain the secret of a few
the prestige of the journalist attracts the majority of the
country — the mob follow after him with enthusiasm.
Our calculations are especially extended to the provinces.
It is indispensable for us to inflame there those hopes and
impulses with which we could at any moment fall upon the capital,
and we shall represent to the capitals that these expressions are
the independent hopes and impulses of the provinces. Naturally,
the source of them will be always one and the same — ours. What
we need is that, until such time as we are in the plenitude of
power, the capitals should find themselves stifled by the
provincial opinion of the nation, i.e., of a majority arranged by
our agentur. What we need is that at the psychological moment the
capitals should not be in a position to discuss an accomplished
fact for the simple reason, if for no other, that it has been
accepted by the public opinion of a majority in the provinces.
When we are in the period of the new regime transitional to
that of our assumption of full sovereignity must not admit any
revelations by the press of any form of public dishonesty; it is
necessary that the new regime should be thought to have so
perfectly contented everybody that even criminality has
disappeared. . . Cases of the manifestation of criminality should
remain known only to their victims and to chance witnesses — no
more.
PROTOCOL NO. 13 (THIS IS ME:)
The need for daily bread. Questions of the Political.
Questions of industry. Amusements. People’s Palaces. “Truth
is One.” The great problems.
The need for daily bread forces the goyim to keep silence
and be our humble servants. Agents taken on to our press from
among the goyim will at our orders discuss anything which it is
inconvenient for us to issue directly in official documents, and
we meanwhile, quietly amid the din of the discussion so raised,
shall simply take and carry through such measures as we wish and
then offer them to the public as an accomplished fact. No one
will dare to demand the abrogation of a matter once settled, all
the more so as it will be represented as an improvement. . . And
immediately the press will distract the current of thought
towards new questions (have we not trained people always to be
seeking something new?). Into the discussions of these new
questions will throw themselves those of the brainless dispensers
of fortunes who are not able even now to understand that they
have not the remotest conception about the matters which they
undertake to discuss. Questions of the political are unattainable
for any save those who have guided it already for many ages, the
creators.
From all this you will see that in securing the opinion of
the mob we are only facilitating the working of our machinery,
and you may remark that it is not for actions but for words
issued by us on this or that question that we seem to seek
approval. We are constantly making public declaration that we are
guided in all our undertakings by the hope, joined to the
conviction, that we are serving the common weal.
In order to distract people who may be too troublesome from
discussions of questions of the political we are now putting
forward what we allege to be new questions of the political,
namely, questions of industry. In this sphere let them discuss
themselves silly! The masses are agreed to remain inactive, to
take a rest from what they suppose to be political activity
(which we trained them to in order to use them as a means of
combatting the goy governments) only on condition of being found
new employments, in which we are prescribing them something that
looks like the same political object. In order that the masses
themselves may not guess what they are about we further distract
them with amusements, games, pastimes, passions, people’s
palaces. . . Soon we shall begin through the press to propose
competitions in art, in sport of all kinds: these interests will
finally distract their minds from questions in which we should
find ourselves compelled to oppose them. Growing more and more
disaccustomed to reflect and form any opinions of their own,
people will begin to talk in the same tone as we, because we
alone shall be offering them new directions for thought of course
through such persons as will not be suspected of solidarity with
us.
The part played by the liberals, utopian dreamers, will be
finally played out when our government is acknowledged. Till such
time they will continue to do us good service. Therefore we shall
continue to direct their minds to all sorts of vain conceptions
of fantastic theories, new and apparently progressive: for have
we not with complete success turned the brainless heads of the
goyim with progress, till there it not among the goyim one mind
able to perceive that under this work lies a departure from truth
in all cases where it is not a question of material inventions,
for truth is one, and in it there is no place for progress.
Progress, like a fallacious idea, serves to obscure truth so that
none may know it except us, the Chosen of God, its guardians.
When we come into our kingdom our orators will expound great
problems which have turned humanity upside down in order to bring
it at the end under our beneficent rule.
Who will ever suspect then that all these peoples were
stage-managed by us according to political plan which no one has
so much as guessed at in the course of many centuries? . . .
PROTOCOL NO. 14
The religion of the future. Future conditions of serfdom.
Inaccessibility of knowledge regarding the religion of the
future. Pornography and the printed matter of the future.
When we come into our kingdom it will be undesirable for us
that there should exist any other religion than ours of the One
God with whom our destiny is bound up by our position as the
Chosen People and through whom our same destiny is united with
the destinies of the world. We must therefore sweep away all
other forms of belief. If this gives birth to the atheists whom
we see to-day, it will not, being only a transitional stage,
interfere with our views, but will serve as a warning for those
generations which will hearken to our preaching of the religion
of Moses, that, by its stable and thoroughly elaborated system
has brought all the peoples of the world into subjection to us.
Therein we shall emphasize its mystical right, on which, as we
shall say, all its educative power is based. . . Then at every
possible opportunity we shall publish articles in which we shall
make comparisons between our beneficent rule and those of past
ages. The blessings of tranquillity, though it be a tranquility
forcibly brought about by centuries of agitation, will throw into
higher relief the benefits to which we shall point. The errors of
the goyim governments will be depicted by us in the most vivid
hues. We shall implant such an abhorrence of them that the
peoples will prefer tranquillity in a state of serfdom to those
rights of vaunted freedom which have tortured humanity and
exhausted the very sources of human existence, sources which have
been exploited by a mob of rascally adventurers who know not what
they do. . . Useless changes of forms of government to which we
instigated the GOYIM when we were undermining their state
structures, will have so wearied the peoples by that time that
they will prefer to suffer anything under us rather than run the
risk of enduring again all the agitations and miseries they have
gone through.
At the same time we shall not omit to emphasize the
historical mistakes of the goy governments which have tormented
humanity for so many centuries by their lack of understanding of
everything that constitutes the true good of humanity in their
chase after fantastic schemes of social blessings, and have never
noticed that these schemes kept on producing a worse and never a
better state of the universal relations which are the basis of
human life. . .
The whole force of our principles and methods will lie in
the fact that we shall present them and expound them as a
splendid contrast to the dead and decomposed old order of things
in social life.
Our philosophers will discuss all the shortcomings of the
various beliefs of the GOYIM, but no one will ever bring under
discussion our faith from its true point of view since this will
be fully learned by none save ours, who will never dare to betray
its secrets.
In countries known as progressive and enlightened we have
created a senseless, filthy, abominable literature. For some time
after our entrance to power we shall continue to encourage its
existence in order to provide a telling relief by contrast to the
speeches, party programme, which will be distributed from exalted
quarters of ours. Our wise men, trained to become leaders of the
goyim, will compose speeches, projects, memoirs, articles, which
will be used by us to influence the minds of the goyim, directing
them towards such understanding and forms of knowledge as have
been determined by us.
PROTOCOL NO. 15
One-day coup d'etat (revolution) over all the world.
Executions. Future lot of goyim-masons. Mysticism of
authority. Multiplication of masonic lodges. Central
governing board of masonic elders. The "Azev-tactics."
Masonry as leader and guide of all secret societies.
Significance of public applause. Collectivism. Victims.
Executions of masons. Fall of the prestige of laws and
authority. Our position as the Chosen people. Brevity and
clarity of the laws of the kingdom of the future. Obedience
to orders. Measures against abuse of authority. Severity of
penalties. Age-limit for judges. Liberalism of judges and
authorities. The money of all the world. Absolutism of
masonry. Right of appeal. Patriarchal "outside appearance"
of the power of the future "ruler." Apotheosis of the ruler.
The right of the strong as the one and only right. The King
of Israel. Patriarch of all the world.
When we at last definitely come into our kingdom by the aid
of coups d'etat prepared everywhere for one and the same day,
after the worthlessness of all existing forms of government has
been definitely acknowledged (and not a little time will pass
before that comes about, perhaps even a whole century) we shall
make it our task to see that against us such things as plots
shall no longer exist. With this purpose we shall slay without
mercy all who take arms (in hand) to oppose our coming into our
kingdom. Every kind of new institution of anything like a secret
society will also be punished with death; those of them which are
now in existence, are known to us, serve us and have served us,
we shall disband and send into exile to continents far removed
from Europe. In this way we shall proceed with those GOY masons
who know too much; such of these as we may for some reason spare
will be kept in constant fear of exile. We shall promulgate a law
making all former members of secret societies liable to exile
from Europe as the centre of our rule.
Resolutions of our government will be final, without appeal.
In the goy societies, in which we have planted and deeply
rooted discord and protestantism, the only possible way of
restoring order is to employ merciless measures that prove the
direct force of authority: no regard must be paid to the victims
who fall, they suffer for the well being of the future. The
attainment of that well-being, even at the expense of sacrifices,
is the duty of any kind of government that acknowledges as
justification for its existence not only its privileges but its
obligations. The principal guarantee of stability of rule is to
confirm the aureole of power, and this aureole is attained only
by such a majestic inflexibility of might as shall carry on its
face the emblems of inviolability from mystical causes -- from
the choice of God. Such was, until recent times, the Russian
autocracy, the one and only serious foe we had in the world,
without counting the Papacy. Bear in mind the example when Italy,
drenched with blood, never touched a hair of the head of Sulla
who had poured forth that blood: Sulla enjoyed an apotheosis for
his might in the eyes of the people, though they had been torn in
pieces by him, but his intrepid return to Italy ringed him round
with inviolability. The people do not lay a finger on him who
hypnotizes them by his daring and strength of mind.
Meantime, however, until we come into our kingdom, we shall
act in the contrary way: we shall create and multiply free
masonic lodges in all the countries of the world, absorb into
them all who may become or who are prominent in public activity,
for in these lodges we shall find our principal intelligence
office and means of influence. All these lodges we shall bring
under one central administration, known to us alone and to all
others absolutely unknown, which will be composed of our learned
elders. The lodges will have their representatives who will serve
to screen the above-mentioned administration of masonry and from
whom will issue the watchword and programme. In these lodges we
shall tie together the knot which binds together all
revolutionary and liberal elements. Their composition will be
made up of all strata of society. The most secret political plots
will be known to us and will fall under our guiding hands on the
very day of their conception. Among the members of these lodges
will be almost all the agents of international and national
police since their service is for us irreplaceable in the respect
that the police is in a position not only to use its own
particular measures with the insubordinate, but also to screen
our activities and provide pretexts for discontents, et cetera.
The class of people who most willingly enter into secret
societies are those who live by their wits, careerists, and in
general people, mostly light-minded, with whom we shall have no
difficulty in dealing and in using to wind up the mechanism of
the machine devised by us. If this world grows agitated the
meaning of that will be that we have had to stir it up in order
to break up its too great solidarity. But if there should arise
in its midst a plot, then at the head of that plot will be no
other than one of our most trusted servants. It is natural that
we and no other should lead masonic activities, for we know
whither we are leading, we know the final goal of every form of
activity whereas the goyim have knowledge of nothing, not even of
the immediate effect of action; they put before themselves,
usually, the momentary reckoning of the satisfaction of their
self-opinion in the accomplishment of their thought without even
remarking that the very conception never belonged to their
initiative but to our instigation of their thought. . .
The goyim enter the lodges out of curiosity or in the hope
by their means to get a nibble at the public pie, and some of
them in order to obtain a hearing before the public for their
impracticable and groundless fantasies: they thirst for the
emotion of success and applause, of which we are remarkably
generous. And the reason why we give them this success is to make
use of the high conceit of themselves to which it gives birth,
for that insensibly disposes them to assimilate our suggestions
without being on their guard against them in the fullness of
their confidence that it is their own infallibility which is
giving utterance to their own thoughts and that it is impossible
for them to borrow those of others. . . You cannot imagine to
what extent the wisest of the goyim can be brought to a state of
unconscious naivete in the presence of this condition of high
conceit of themselves, and at the same time how easy it is to
take the heart out of them by the slightest ill-success, though
it be nothing more than the stoppage of the applause they had,
and to reduce them to a slavish submission for the sake of
winning a renewal of success. . . By so much as ours disregard
success if only they can carry through their plans. By so much
the GOYIM are willing to sacrifice any plans only to have
success. This psychology of theirs materially facilitates for us
the task of setting them in the required direction. These tigers
in appearance have the souls of sheep and the wind blows freely
through their heads. We have set them on the hobby-horse of an
idea about the absorption of individuality by the symbolic unit
of collectivism. They have never yet and they never will have the
sense to reflect that this hobby horse is a manifest violation of
the most important law of nature, which has established from the
very creation of the world one unit unlike another and precisely
for the purpose of instituting individuality.
If we have been able to bring them to such a pitch of stupid
blindness is it not a proof, and an amazingly clear proof, of the
degree to which the mind of the goyim is undeveloped in
comparison with our mind? This it is, mainly, which guarantees
our success.
And how far-seeing were our learned elders in ancient times
when they said that to attain a serious end it behooves not to
stop at any means or to count the victims sacrificed for the sake
of that end. . . We have not counted the victims of the seed of
the goy cattle, though we have sacrificed many of our own, but
for that we have now already given them such a position on the
earth as they could not even have dreamed of. The comparatively
small numbers of the victims from the number of ours have
preserved our nationality from destruction. Death is the
inevitable end for all. It is better to bring that end nearer to
those who hinder our affairs than to ourselves, to the founders
of this affair. We execute masons in such wise that none save the
brotherhood can ever have a suspicion of it, not even the victims
themselves of our death sentence, they all die when required as
if from a normal kind of illness. Knowing this, even the
brotherhood in its turn dare not protest. By such methods we have
plucked out of the midst of masonry the very root of protest
against our disposition. While preaching liberalism to the goyim
we at the same time keep our own people and our agents in a state
of unquestioning submission.
Under our influence the execution of the laws of the goyim
has been reduced to a minimum. The prestige of the law has been
exploded by the liberal interpretations introduced into this
sphere. In the most important and fundamental affairs and
questions judges decide as we dictate to them, see matters in the
light wherewith we enfold them for the administration of the
goyim, of course, through persons who are our tools though we do
not appear to have anything in common with them -- by newspaper
opinion or by other means. Even senators and the higher
administration accept our counsels. The purely brute mind of the
goyim is incapable of use for analysis and observation, and still
more for the foreseeing whither a certain manner of setting a
question may tend.
In this difference in capacity for thought between the goyim
and ourselves may be clearly discerned the seal of our position
on the Chosen People and of our higher quality of humanness, in
contra-distinction to the brute mind of the goyim. Their eyes are
open, but see nothing before them and do not invent (unless,
perhaps, material things). From this it is plain that nature
herself has destined us to guide and rule the world.
When comes the time of our overt rule, the time to manifest
its blessings, we shall remake all legislatures, all our laws
will be brief, plain, stable, without any kind of
interpretations, so that anyone will be in a position to know
them perfectly. The main feature which will run right through
them is submission to orders, and this principle will be carried
to a grandiose height. Every abuse will then disappear in
consequence of the responsibility of all down to the lowest unit
before the higher authority of the representative of power.
Abuses of power subordinate to this last instance will be so
mercilessly punished that none will be found anxious to try
experiments with their own powers. We shall follow up jealously
every action of the administration on which depends the smooth
running of the machinery of the State, for slackness in this
produces slackness everywhere; not a single case of illegality or
abuse of power will be left without exemplary punishment.
Concealment of guilt, connivance between those in the
service of the administration -- all this kind of evil will
disappear after the very first examples of severe punishment. The
aureole of our power demands suitable, that is, cruel,
punishments for the slightest infringement, for the sake of gain,
of its supreme prestige. The sufferer, though his punishment may
exceed his fault, will count as a soldier falling on the
administrative field of battle in the interest of authority,
principle and law, which do not permit that any of those who hold
the reins of the public coach should turn aside from the public
highway to their own private paths. For example: our judges will
know that whenever they feel disposed to plume themselves on
foolish clemency they are violating the law of justice which is
instituted for the exemplary edification of men by penalties for
lapses and not for display of the spiritual qualities of the
judge. . . Such qualities it is proper to show in private life,
but not in a public square which is the educationary basis of
human life.
Our legal staff will serve not beyond the age of 55, firstly
because old men more obstinately hold to prejudiced opinions, and
are less capable of submitting to new directions, and secondly
because this will give us the possibility by this measure of
securing elasticity in the changing of staff, which will thus the
more easily bend under our pressure: he who wishes to keep his
place will have to give blind obedience to deserve it. In
general, our judges will be elected by us only from among those
who thoroughly understand that the part they have to play is to
punish and apply laws and not to dream about the manifestations
of liberalism at the expense of the educationary scheme of the
State, as the goyim in these days imagine it to be. . . This
method of shuffling the staff will serve also to explode any
collective solidarity of those in the same service and will bind
all to the interests of the government upon which their fate will
depend. The young generation of judges will be trained in certain
views regarding the inadmissibility of any abuses that might
disturb the established order of our subjects among themselves.
In these days the judges of the goyim create indulgences to
every kind of crimes, not having a just understanding of their
office, because the rulers of the present age in appointing
judges to office take no care to inculcate in them a sense of
duty and consciousness of the matter which is demanded of them.
As a brute beast lets out its young in search of prey, so do the
goyim give their subjects places of profit without thinking to
make clear to them for what purpose such place was created. This
is the reason why their governments are being ruined by their own
forces through the acts of their own administration.
Let us borrow from the example of the results of these
actions yet another lesson for our government.
We shall root out liberalism from all the important
strategic posts of our government on which depends the training
of subordinates for our State structure. Such posts will fall
exclusively to those who have been trained by us for
administrative rule. To the possible objection that the
retirement of old servants will cost the Treasury heavily, I
reply, firstly, they will be provided with some private service
in place of what they lose, and, secondly, I have to remark that
all the money in the world will be concentrated in our hands,
consequently it is not our government that has to fear expense.
Our absolutism will in all things be logically consecutive
and therefore in each one of its decrees our supreme will will be
respected and unquestionably fulfilled: it will ignore all
murmurs, all discontents of every kind and will destroy to the
root every kind of manifestation of them in act by punishment of
an exemplary character.
We shall abolish the right of cassation, which will be
transferred exclusively to our disposal -- to the cognisanze of
him who rules, for we must not allow the conception among the
people of a thought that there could be such a thing as a
decision that is not right of judges set up by us. If, however,
anything like this should occur, we shall ourselves cassate the
decision, but inflict therewith such exemplary punishment on the
judge for lack of understanding of his duty and the purpose of
his appointment as will prevent a repetition of such cases. I
repeat that it must be borne in mind that we shall know every
step of our administration which only needs to be closely watched
for the people to be content with us, for it has the right to
demand from a good government a good official.
Our government will have the appearance of a patriarchal
paternal guardianship on the part of our ruler. Our own nation
and our subjects will discern in his person a father caring for
their every need, their every act, their every inter-relation as
subjects one with another, as well as their relations to the
ruler. They will then be so thoroughly imbued with the thought
that it is impossible for them to dispense with this wardship and
guidance, if the wish to live in piece and quiet, that they will
acknowledge the autocracy of our ruler with a devotion bordering
on APOTHEOSIS, especially when they are convinced that those whom
we set up do not put their own in place of his authority, but
only blindly execute his dictates. They will be rejoiced that we
have regulated everything in their lives as is done by wise
parents who desire to train their children in the cause of duty
and submission, For the peoples of the world in regard to the
secrets of our polity are ever through the ages only children
under age, precisely as are also their governments.
As you see, I found our despotism on right and duty: the
right to compel the execution of duty is the direct obligation of
a government which is a father for its subjects. It has the right
of the strong that it may use it for the benefit of directing
humanity towards that order which is defined by nature, namely,
submission. Everything in the world is in a state of submission,
if not to man, then to circumstances or its own inner character,
in all cases, to what is stronger. And so shall we be this
something stronger for the sake of good.
We are obliged without hesitation to sacrifice individuals,
who commit a breach of established order, for in the exemplary
punishment of evil lies a great educational problem.
When the King of Israel sets upon his sacred head the crown
offered him by Europe he will become patriarch of the world. The
indispensable victims offered by him in consequence of their
suitability will never reach the number of victims offered in the
course of centuries by the mania of magnificence, the emulation
between the goy governments.
Our King will be in constant communion with the peoples,
making to them from the tribune speeches which fame will in that
same hour distribute over all the world.
PROTOCOL NO. 16
Emasculation of the universities. Substitute for classicism.
Training and calling. Advertisement of the authority of “the
ruler” in the schools. Abolition of freedom of instruction.
New Theories. Independence of thought. Teaching by object
lessons.
In order to effect the destruction of all collective forces
except ours we shall emasculate the first stage of collectivism –
– the universities, by re-educating them in a new direction.
Their officials and professors will be prepared for their
business by detailed secret programmes of action from which they
will not with immunity diverge, not by one iota. They will be
appointed with especial precaution, and will be so placed as to
be wholly dependent upon the Government.
We shall exclude from the course of instruction State Law as
also all that concerns the political question. These subjects
will be taught to a few dozens of persons chosen for their pre-
eminent capacities from among the number of the initiated. The
universities must no longer send out from their halls milksops
concocting plans for a constitution, like a comedy or a tragedy,
busying themselves with questions of policy in which even their
own fathers never had any power of thought.
The ill-guided acquaintance of a large number of persons
with questions of polity creates utopian dreamers and bad
subjects, as you can see for yourselves from the example of the
universal education in this direction of the goyim. We must
introduce into their education all those principles which have so
brilliantly broken up their order. But when we are in power we
shall remove every kind of disturbing subject from the course of
education and shall make out of the youth obedient children of
authority, loving him who rules as the support and hope of peace
and quiet.
Classicism, as also any form of study of ancient history, in
which there are more bad than good examples, we shall replace
with the study of the programme of the future. We shall erase
from the memory of men all facts of previous centuries which are
undesirable to us, and leave only those which depict all the
errors of the governments of the goyim. The study of practical
life, of the obligations of order, of the relations of people one
to another, of avoiding bad and selfish examples which spread the
infection of evil, and similar questions of an educative nature,
will stand in the forefront of the teaching programme, which will
be drawn up on a separate plan for each calling or slate of life,
in no wise generalising the teaching. This treatment of the
question has special importance.
Each state of life must be trained within strict limits
corresponding to its destination and work in life. The occasional
genius has always managed and always will manage to slip through
into other states of life but it is the most perfect folly for
the sake of this rare occasional genius to let through into ranks
foreign to them the untalented who thus rob of their places those
who belong to those ranks by birth or employment. You know
yourselves in what all this has ended for the goyim who allowed
this crying absurdity.
In order that he who rules may be seated firmly in the
hearts and minds of his subjects it is necessary for the time of
his activity to instruct the whole nation in the schools and on
the market places about his meaning and his acts and all his
beneficent initiatives.
We shall abolish every kind of freedom of instruction.
Learners of all ages will have the right to assemble together
with their parents in the educational establishments as it were
in a club: during these assemblies, on holydays, teachers will
read what will pass as free lectures on questions of human
relations, of the laws of examples, of the limitations which are
born of unconscious relations, and, finally, of the philosophy of
new theories not yet declared to the world. These theories will
be raised by us to the stage of a dogma of faith as a
transitional stage towards our faith. On the completion of this
exposition of our programme of action in the present and the
future I will read you the principles of these theories.
In a word, knowing by the experience of many centuries that
people live and are guided by ideas, that these ideas are imbibed
by people only by the aid of education provided with equal
success for all ages of growth, but of course by varying methods,
we shall swallow up and confiscate to our own use the last
scintilla of independence of thought, which we have for long past
been directing towards subjects and ideas useful for us. The
system of bridling thought is already at work in the so-called
system of teaching by object lessons, the purpose of which is to
turn the goyim into unthinking submissive brutes waiting for
things to be presented before their eyes in order to form an idea
of them. . . In France, one of four best agents, Bourgeois, has
already made public a new programme of teaching by object
lessons.
PROTOCOL NO. 17
Advocacy. Influence of the priesthood of the goyim. Freedom
of conscience. Papal Court. King of the Jews as Patriarch-
Pope. How to fight the existing Church. Function of
contemporary press. Organization of police. Volunteer
police. Espionage on the pattern of the kabal espionage.
Abuses of authority.
The practice of advocacy produces men cold, cruel,
persistent, unprincipled, who in all cases take up an impersonal
purely legal standpoint. They have the inveterate habit to refer
everything to its value for the defence, not to the public
welfare of its results. They do not usually decline to undertake
any defence whatever, they strive for an acquittal at all costs,
cavilling over every petty crux of jurisprudence and thereby they
demoralize justice. For this reason we shall set this profession
into narrow frames which will keep it inside this sphere of
executive public service. Advocates, equally with judges, will be
deprived of the right of communication with litigants; they will
receive business only from the court and will study it by notes
off report and documents, defending their clients after they have
been interrogated in court on facts that have appeared. They will
receive an honorarium without regard to the quality of the
defence. This will render them mere reporters on law-business in
the interests of justice and as counterpoise to the proctor who
will be the reporter in the interests of prosecution; this will
shorten business before the courts. In this way will be
established a practice of honest unprejudiced defence conducted
not from personal interest but by conviction. This will also, by
the way, remove the present practice of corrupt bargain between
advocates to agree only to let that side win which pays most. . .
We have long past taken care to discredit the priesthood of
the goyim, and thereby to ruin their mission on earth which in
these days might still be a great hindrance to us. Day by day its
influence on the peoples of the world is falling lower. Freedom
of conscience has been declared everywhere, so that now only
years divide us from the moment of the complete wrecking of that
Christian religion, as to other religions we shall have still
less difficulty in dealing with them, but it would be premature
to speak of this now. We shall set clericalism and clericals into
such narrow frames as to make their influence move in
retrogressive proportion to its former progress.
When the time comes finally to destroy the papal court the
finger of an invisible hand will point the nations towards this
court. When, however, the nations fling themselves upon it, we
shall come forward in the guise of its defenders as if to save
excessive bloodshed. By this diversion we shall penetrate to its
very bowels and be sure we shall never come out again until we
have gnawed through the entire strength of this place.
The King of the Jews will be the real Pope of the Universe,
the patriarch of an international Church.
But, in the meantime, while we are re-educating youth in new
traditional religions and afterwards in ours, we shall not
overtly lay a finger on existing churches but we shall fight
against them by criticism calculated to produce schism.
In general, then, our contemporary press will continue to
convict State affairs, religions, incapacities of the goyim,
always using the most unprincipled expressions in order by every
means to lower their prestige in the manner which can only be
practiced by the genius of our gifted tribe.
Our kingdom will be an apologia of the divinity Vishnu, in
whom is found its personification — in our hundred hands will
be, one in each, the springs of the machinery of social life. We
shall see everything without the aid of official police which, in
that scope of its rights which we elaborated for the use of the
goyim, hinders governments from seeing. In our programme one-
third of our subjects will keep the rest under observation from a
sense of duty, on the principle of volunteer service to the
State. It will then be no disgrace to be a spy and informer, but
a merit: unfounded denunciations, however, will be cruelly
punished that there may be no development of abuses of this
right.
Our agents will be taken from the higher as well as the
lower ranks of society, from among the administrative class who
spend their time in amusements, editors, printers and publishers,
booksellers, clerks, and salesmen, workmen, coachmen, lackeys, et
cetera. This body, having no rights and not being empowered to
take any action on their own account, and consequently a police
without any power, will only witness and report: verification of
their reports and arrests will depend upon a responsible group of
controllers of police affairs, while the actual act of arrest
will be performed by the gendarmerie and the municipal police.
Any person not denouncing anything seen or heard concerning
questions of polity will also be charged with and made
responsible for concealment, if it be proved that he is guilty of
this crime.
Just as nowadays our brethren are obliged at their own risk
to denounce to the kabal apostates of their own family or members
who have been noticed doing anything in opposition to the kabal,
so in our kingdom over all the world it will be obligatory for
all our subjects to observe the duty of service to the State in
this direction.
Such an organization will extirpate abuses of authority, of
force, of bribery, everything in fact which we by our counsel, by
our theories of the superhuman rights of man, have introduced
into the customs of the goyim. . . But how else were we to
procure that increase of causes predisposing to disorders in the
midst of their administration? . . . Among the number of those
methods one of the most important is — agents for the
restoration of order, so placed as to have the opportunity in
their disintegrating activity of developing and displaying their
evil inclinations — obstinate self-conceit, irresponsible
exercise of authority, and, first and foremost, venality.
PROTOCOL NO. 18
Measures of secret defense. Observation of conspiracies from
the inside. Overt secret defense — the ruin of authority,
Secret defense of the King of the Jews. Mystical prestige of
authority. Arrest on the first suspicion.
When it becomes necessary for us to strengthen the strict
measures of secret defense (the most fatal poison for the
prestige of authority) we shall arrange a simulation of disorders
or some manifestation of discontents finding expression through
the co-operation of good speakers. Round these speakers will
assemble all who are sympathetic to his utterances. This will
give us the pretext for domiciliary perquisitions and
surveillance on the part of our servants from among the number of
the goyim police.
As the majority of conspirators act out of love for the
game, for the sake of talking, so, until they commit some overt
act we shall not lay a finger on them but only introduce into
their midst observation elements. . . It must be remembered that
the prestige of authority is lessened if it frequently discovers
conspiracies against itself: this implies a presumption of
consciousness of weakness, or, what is still worse, of injustice.
You are aware that we have broken the prestige of the goy kings
by frequent attempts upon their lives through our agents, blind
sheep of our flock, who are easily moved by a few liberal phrases
to crimes provided only they be painted in political colours. We
have compelled the rulers to acknowledge their weakness in
advertising overt measures of secret defence and thereby we shall
bring the promise of authority to destruction.
Our ruler will be secretly protected only by the most
insignificant guard, because we shall not admit so much as a
thought that there could exist against him any sedition with
which he is not strong enough to contend and is compelled to hide
from it.
If we should admit this thought, as the goyim have done and
are doing, we should ipso facto be signing a death sentence, if
not for our ruler, at any rate for his dynasty, at no distant
date.
According to strictly enforced outward appearances our ruler
will employ his power only for the advantage of the nation and in
no wise for his own or dynastic profits. Therefore, with the
observance of this decorum, his authority will be respected and
guarded by the subjects themselves, it will receive an apotheosis
in the admission that with it is bound up the well-being of every
citizen of the State, for upon it will depend all order in the
common life of the pack.
Overt defense of the kind argues weakness in the
organization of his strength.
Our ruler will always among the people be surrounded by a
mob of apparently curious men and women, who will occupy the
front ranks about him, to all appearance by chance, and will
restrain the ranks the rest out of respect as it will appear for
good order. This will sow an example of restraint also in others.
If a petitioner appears among the people trying to hand a
petition and forcing his way through the ranks, the first ranks
must receive the petition and before the eyes of the petitioner
pass it to the ruler, so that all may know that what is handed in
reaches its destination, that, consequently, there exists a
control of the ruler himself. The aureole of power requires for
its existence that the people may be able to say: “If the king
knew of this,” or: “the king will hear of it.”
With the establishment of official secret defense the
mystical prestige of authority disappears: given a certain
audacity, and everyone counts himself master of it, the sedition-
monger is conscious of his strength, and when occasion serves
watches for the moment to make an attempt upon authority. . . For
the goyim we have been preaching something else, but by that very
fact we are enabled to see what measures of overt defense have
brought them to.
Criminals with us will be arrested at the first more or less
well-grounded suspicion; it cannot be allowed that out of fear of
a possible mistake an opportunity should be given of escape to
persons suspected of a political lapse or crime, for in these
matters we shall be literally merciless. If it is still possible,
by stretching a point, to admit a reconsideration of the motive
causes in simple crime, there is no possibility of excuse for
persons occupying themselves with questions in which nobody
except the government can understand anything. . . And it is not
all governments that understand true policy.